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VOL. V. 

Kcuiuoii mxt> IRaUoiuiliVvUion 







VOL. V. 



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Profusely illustrated 5 volumes 8vo 
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1. Reconstruction . i 

11. Return to Normal Conditions 115 

III The End op a Century 198 

INDEX 301 


Grover Cleveland Frontispiece 

Henry Wilson. — F rom a photograph by Hardy 

Benjamin Franklin VJaB'E . — From a photograph by Loomis 

Andrew Johnson — From a photograph by Gardner . . . 

Edwin McMasters Stanton.— From an engraving by H. W. 
Smith after a photograph 

Thaddeus Stevens.— F rom a photograph 

Ulysses Simpson Grant, about 1867. — From a photograph 
by Guerney & Son 

The Fenian raid in Canada. Ruins of Fort Erie.— 
From a sketch by a staff artist of Harper^s Weekly , . . . 

British flag captured by the Fenians.— F rom a sketch 
by a staff artist of Harper’s Weekly 

U, S. Grant. — F rom a photograph by Fredericks . Facing p. 

The riot in New Orleans. Siege and assault on 
THE convention — F rom a sketch by a staff artist of 
Harper’s Weekly, . 

The riot in New Orleans. Struggle for the flag. 
— From a sketch by a staff artist of Harper’s Weekly . . . 

Archduke Maximilian.— From an old German print . . . 

Napoleon III. — From Harper*s Monthly Magazine . . . • 


















Map of Alaska showing the gold-bearing region.— 

From Adney’s The Klondike Stampede . 43 

Sluice-washing for gold in the Klondike — From 

Adney’s The Klondike Stampede . 45 

Benjamin Franklin Butler.— F rom Harper's Monthly 

Magazine 48 

An exciting day in the Board of Brokers, “ on the 

RISE,"' New York City, 1862— From an old lithograph 51 

Horatio Seymour. — F rom a steel engraving 56 

Two MEMBERS OF THE Ku KlUX KlaN —From a sketch by 

a staff artist of Harper's Weekly 6l 

Charles Sumner. — F rom a photograph by Soule . Facing p. 64 

Scene in the Gold Room, New York City, on Black 
Friday."' — F rom a sketch by a staff artist of Harper's 
Weekly 65 

Charles Francis Adams— F rom Harper's Weekly ... 68 

The burning of the Jacob Bell by the Alabama.— 

From Harper's Weekly 70 

Hotel Beau-Rivage, Geneva, headquarters of the 
American arbitrators — From a photograph taken for 
Harper's Weekly 71 

The final award The last sitting of the Geneva 

conference — From a sketch by a French artist ... 73 

Robert Toombs — From Harper's Weekly 77 

Horace Greeley. — F rom a photograph 81 

Carl SchURZ — F rom a photograph 83 

Benjamin Gratz Brown.— F rom a photograph 85 

Schuyler Colfax. — F rom Harper's Weekly 91 

Jay Cooke. — R edrawn from a steel engraving 94 

William Worth Belknap.— F rom Harper's Weekly ... 96 

Sitting Bull. — F rom Harper's Weekly 




George Armstrong Custer— F rom a crayon drawing in 

possession of Mrs Custer 103 

Rutherford Birchard Hayes.— F rom a photograph by Pach 105 

Samuel Jones Tilden.— F rom Harper's Weekly * . * . . 107 

Wade Hampton. — F rom a photograph 109 

Joseph P. Bradley.— F rom Harper's Weekly lii 


From a painting by Julian Rix 117 

Interior of the main building at the Philadelphia 
Centennial Exhibition.— F rom a sketch by a staff 
artist of Harper's Weekly .119 

Horticultural Hall at the Philadelphia Centennial 
Exhibition. — F rom a sketch by a staff artist of Harper's 
Weekly 123 

In Yellowstone Park. Grand Canon, Point Look- 
out, and Great Falls.— F rom a photograph .... 125 

Logging in the Minnesota pines.— F rom a photograph . 127 

George William Curtis — From a photograph . Facing p, 128 

Galusha Aaron Grow. — F rom a photograph by Stokes , . 135 

ElbridgE Gerry. — F rom Higgmson's History of the United 

States 138 

Blockade of engines at Martinsburg, Virginia.— 

From a sketch by a staff artist of Harper's Weekly .... 141 

Burning of the round house at Pittsburg, Penn- 
sylvania. — F rom a sketch by a staff artist of Harper's 
Weekly 142 

Richard P, Bland —From a photograph 147 

William B. Allison.— F rom a photograph by Bell .... 148 

Chester Alan Arthur.— F rom a photograph 150 

Winfield Scott Hancock. — F rom an engraving after a 

daguerrotype 152 




William H. English.— From a photograph by Judkins . . 153 

James Abram Garfield.— From a photograph by Bell , . 155 

Thomas Collier Platt. — From a photograph i 57 

Charles Jules Guiteau, — F rom a photograph by Bell . . 159 

ROSCOE CONKLING. — From a photograph by Bell 161 


a sketch by a staff artist of Harper s Weekly 165 

James Gillespie Blaine.— F rom a photograph 173 

Thomas Andrews Hendricks.— F rom a photograph by 

Gutekunst .... 183 

The anarchist riot in Chicago, Illinois. A dynamite 
BOMB exploding AMONG THE POLICE —From a sketch 
by a staff artist of Harper’s Weekly 188 

Samuel Jackson Randall. — F rom a photograph by Bell . 190 

Benjamin Harrison. — From a photograph by Kitchell , . 193 

A prairie stock farm— From a photograph 201 

John Sherman— F rom a photograph 207 

The rush of settlers into Oklahoma. — F rom Harper’s 

Encyclopaedia of United States History 2II 

Oklahoma on the day of opening.— F rom Harper’s En- 
cyclopaedia of United States History 213 

Oklahoma four weeks after the opening— F rom 

Harper’s Encyclopaedia of United States History .... 215 

San Francisco from the bay.— F rom Harper’s Encyclo- 
paedia of United States History 217 

Inside a treasury vault at Washington. Taking 
bags of silver out to be weighed. — F rom a sketch 
by a staff artist of Harper’s Weekly 219 

Mr. Cleveland and his cabinet.— F rom a painting by 

Louis Loeb 221 




a photograph 

Bullion at the American smelter, Leadville, 

Colorado. — F rom a photograph 225 

Don M. Dickinson.— F rom Harper's Weekly ...... 229 

Thomas Francis Bayard. — F rom Harper s Weekly . . , 231 

William Freeman Vilas — From a photograph 233 

L. Q. C. Lamar. — F rom Harper^s Monthly Magaziiie .... 235 

Coney and his army approaching Washington.— 

From a sketch by a staff artist of Harper's Weekly . . . 237 

Coney being escorted from the Capitol. — F rom a sketch 

by a staff artist of Harper's Weekly 238 

George M. Pullman — F rom Harper's Monthly Magazine . 239 

Thomas B. Reed. — F rom a photograph by Chickering, F actng p» 240 

Liliuokalani, Queen of Hawaiian IsLANDS.—From a 
photograph 241 

Government Buildings, Honolulu. — F rom a photograph 243 

Setting out for a day's fishing, Hawaii. — F rom a photo- 
graph 244 

The Earl of Salisbury.— F rom a photograph by Weston 

& Son 246 

Walter Quinton Gresham. — F rom Harper's Weekly . . 249 

Don Valeriano Weyler —From a photograph 251 

William Jennings Bryan.— F rom a photograph .... 259 

William McKinley. — F rom a photograph by Sarony, F acing p. 264 

The United States battleship Maine at anchor 
IN Havana harbor. — F rom a painting by Carlton T. 
Chapman 271 

City of San Juan, Porto Rico.— F rom a photograph . , 





Pascual Cervera.— F rom a photograph 279 

William R. Shafter.— F rom a photograph 281 

The capture of the block house at San Juan.— F rom 

a painting by Howard Chandler Chnsty 283 

The capture of El Caney. — From a painting by Howard 

Chandler Christy 285 

William T. Sampson.— From a photograph 287 

Winfield Scott Schley,— From a photograph 288 

George Dewey — From a photograph taken by Frank D. 
Millet, in the cabin of the U. S. S. Olympia while lying in 
Mamla Bay 289 

Wesley Merritt. — From a photograph 291 

The bombardment of San Juan, Porto Rico.— F rom 

a painting by Carlton T. Chapman 293 

Fort and earthworks, Cavite, silenced and captured 
BY Admiral Dewey. — From a photograph . . • . , 294 

Emilio Aguinaldo.— F rom a photograph 295 

Two-story tent of Colorado Troops, Camp Dewey, 
Luzon, Philippine Islands.— From a photograph . • 297 

The U. S. S. Olympia on the morning she left 
Manila with Admiral Dewey on board.— F rom a 
photograph taken by a staff correspondent of Harper's Weekly 298 


Physical Features of the United States . 

West Indies, 1902 . 

Philippine Islands • 

The United States, 1902 • 

Facing p, 96 










Mr. Lincoln’s death made Mr. Johnson President. 
The first tasks of peace were to be hardly less difficult 
than the tasks of war had been; and the party which 
had triumphed was left without executive leadership 
at their very beginning. Mr. Johnson was a man who, 
like Mr. Lincoln himself, had risen from very humble 
origins to posts of trust and distinction ; but his coarse 
fibre had taken no polish, no refinement in the process. 
He stopped neither to understand nor to persuade other 
men, but struck forward with crude, uncompromising 
force for his object, attempting mastery without wisdom 
or moderation. Wisdom of no common order was called 
for in the tasks immediately before him. What effect 
had the war wrought upon the federal system? What 
was now the status of the States which had attempted 
secession and been brought to terms only by two million 
armed men sent into the field and the pouring out of 
blood and treasure beyond all, reckoning? Were they 
again States of the Union, or had they forfeited their 


statehood and become conquered provinces merely, 
to be dealt with at the will of Congress? If conquered 
possessions, how and when were they to be made States 
once more and the old federal circle restored in its in- 
tegrity? Mr. Lincoln had made up his mind upon 
these points with characteristic directness and sim- 
plicity. So long ago as December, 1863, he had issued 
a proclamation of amnesty in which he had treated 
secession as a rebellion of individuals, not of States, 
and had offered full forgetfulness and the restoration 
of property and of citizenship to all who should take 
oath to “support, protect, and defend the constitution 
of the United States and the union of the States there- 
under,” and respect the action of the federal govern- 
ment in the emancipation of the slaves Some classes 
of persons he excepted from the amnesty: those who 
had taken a prominent and official part in secession 
or who had left the service of the United States for the 
service of the Confederacy; but he invited those who 
would take the oath proposed to set up governments 
once more and make ready to take part as of old in the 
federal system, though they should number but one 
tenth of the voters of i860. The qualified voters of 
Arkansas, Louisiana, and Tennessee had accepted these 
terms before the war ended. Mr. Lincoln had fulfilled 
his promise to them and given full recognition to the 
new governments they set up, so far as the Executive 
was concerned, as once more in their places in the 
Union. He did not stop to discuss the question of the 
lawyers, whether these States had been all the while in 
the Union, despite their attempts at secession and their 
acts of war against the federal government, or had for 
a time been out of it; and declared that he thought that 



merely an abstract inquiry, a question practically im- 
material. "We all agree that the seceded States, so 
called, are out of their proper practical relation with the 
Union,” he said, "and that the sole object of the gov- 
ernment, civil and military, in regard to those States 
is to again get them into that proper practical relation. 
I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact easier, 
to do this without deciding or even considering whether 
these States have been out of the Union, than with it. 
Fmdmg themselves safely at home, it would be utterly 
immaterial whether they had ever been abroad.” 

But Congress had not acquiesced in Mr. Lincoln’s 
policy. Mr. Lincoln had been too much inclined, it 
seemed to the leaders of the houses, to regard the 
restoration of the southern States to their " proper prac- 
tical relation to the Union ” as a matter to be settled by 
the action of the Executive. The constitution made 
each house the sole judge of the validity of elections to its 
membership ; Congress was at liberty, should it choose, 
to exclude all southern members until it should itself 
be satisfied with the process by which the States they 
claimed to represent had been re-established upon their 
old footing ; and the temper of the congressional leaders 
had grown more and more radical as the fortunes of 
war had turned their doubt into hope, their hope into 
triumphant confidence. At first they had been puzzled 
how to read the law of the constitution in so unprec- 
edented a matter; but each victory in arms had seemed 
to them to make it less necessary that they should read 
it with subtlety. Success seemed to clear the way 
for other considerations, of plainer dictate than the 
law of the constitution. Turn the matter this way or 
that, it seemed mere weakness to accord the southern 



States their old place in the Union without exacting of 
them something more than mere submission. Should 
their social system be left untouched, their old life and 
power given back to them to be used as before for the 
perpetuation of political beliefs and domestic institu- 
tions which had in fact lain at the heart of the war? 
Opinion slowly gathered head to prevent any such 
course. Something should be demanded of them which 
should make them like the rest of the Union, not in 
allegiance merely, but in principle and practice as well. 

IMr. Lincoln had himself made it a condition precedent 
to his recognition of the re-established liberties and 
allegiance of those southerners whom he was ready 
to permit to bring their States into proper practi- 
cal relation with the Union again that the laws of the 
rehabilitated governments should "recognize and de- 
clare the perpianent freedom” of the negroes and pro- 
vide for their education ; no one. North or South, dreamed 
that slavery was to be set up again. But every man 
mistook his feeling for principle in that day of heat, 
and Mr. Lincoln's cool, judicial tone and purpose in 
affairs was deeply disquieting to all who loved drastic 
action. The solemn, sweet-tempered sentences with 
which his second inaugural address had closed seemed 
themselves of bad omen to high-strung men. “With 
malice towards none; with charity for all; with firm- 
ness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let 
us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the 
nation's wounds; ... to do all which may achieve 
and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, 
and with all nations.'' In the proclamation in which 
he had called upon all who were willing to return to 
their allegiance in the South to reconstruct their govern' 



ments he had promised that, as President, he would 
object to no temporary legislation which should deal 

in exceptional fashion with the negroes “ as a laboring, 
landless, homeless class” for a little while under tute- 
lage, provided only their substantial freedom should be 
recognized and their ultimate elevation by educatioii 



provided for. There was in all this entirely too much 
consideration for the southern people to suit the views of 
ordinary partisans. An opposition gathered head against 
Mr. Lincoln which it seemed likely even his tact, his 
genius for leadership and conciliation, his authority in 
that day of his final prestige could not overcome. 

Men of many minds and of all morals were arrayed 
against him : the philanthropist and the reformer, who 
saw the Rights of Man involved, the statesman who 
wished to see the ground once for all cleared of every 
matter of risk and controversy, the politician who was 
keen to gain the utmost advantage for his party, the 
vindictive bigot who wished to vneak exemplary ven- 
geance on the slaveholding rebels. To many of these 
nothing was so exasperating as moderation, — modera- 
tion in a day of absolute triumph, when every fruit of 
conquest they chose to stretch out their hands and 
pluck was within their easy reach. It was not an air 
in which to judge calmly. Four years of doubt and 
fear and struggle had wrought every sentiment, good 
or bad, to the pitch of ecstasy. A radical course of 
reconstruction in the South had come to look like the 
mere path of duty, — of duty not to opinion only but 
to mankind as well. Men of imagination felt every 
moment of action dramatic, full of consequence, and 
grew self-conscious, each as it were with a touch of 
the emotional actor, in what they did. The extraor- 
dinary strain and tension of feeling in the houses 
of Congress was perceptible to mere lookers on in the 
galleries. It had been notably manifest when the 
House of Representatives agreed, on the last day of 
January, 1865, to an amendment of the constitution 
formally abolishing slavery in the very terms of the 



Wilmot proviso, and the celebrated Ordinance of 1787 
upon which so much bitter history had turned. The 
Senate had proposed the amendment, the Thirteenth 
it was to be, — the first change in the constitution pro- 
posed since 1803, — ten months before, on the 8th of 
April, 1864; but the necessary two-thirds vote had 
been lacking then in the House and it had been laid 
aside. When it came a second time to the vote a deathly 
stillness prevailed in the House while the roll call pro- 
ceeded, until it became evident that the requisite major- 
ity was secured. Then members of the House itself broke 
through all restraint and joined in the great shout of 
joy that went up from the packed galleries, and em- 
braced one another, with tears streaming down their 
cheeks, to see that prayed for end come at last Men 
dreamed, as they had dreamed in the Constituent As- 
sembly of France, that they had that day seen a new 
nation born, a new era ushered in. 

Congress had already abolished slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, prohibited slavery in the Territories, 
repealed the Fugitive Slave Law, and bestowed freedom 
upon the negroes who had served in the federal armies. 
The amendment was to complete the work of emancipa- 
tion, and make the results of the war once for all safe 
against reaction. The votes of the southern States 
were necessary to make up the three -fourths vote of 
the States required to ratify the amendment. Those 
which accepted Mr. Lincoln’s terms of rehabilitation 
ratified it without hesitation: no one doubted that a 
condition precedent to the final closing of the long strife 
that had rent the Union ; and on the i8th of December, 
1865, it was proclaimed an integral part of the law of 
the constitution. 



But there were men in Congress, true spokesmen of 
thousands of men out-of-doors, thoughtful and thought- 
less, with consciences and without, who meant to go 
much further. By some means they meant to thrust 
their hands into southern affairs to control them, to 
make good the freedom and the privilege of the negroes 
even at the cost of all privilege to those who had been 
their masters. To some such a course seemed a mere 
dictate of humanity : the nation owed it to the negro 
that he should be supported by the federal power until 
he was able to make his freedom good for himself, un- 
assisted. To others it seemed but the plain way of 
prudence in statesmanship. How else could a lasting 
structure of law be built about the new citizenship of 
the one-time slave : how else could he be kept safe from 
the intellectual and even physical domination of the 
white men who once had owned him? To others it 
was the course of personal satisfaction : in no other 
way could they bring upon the spirits of southern men 
the punishment merited by their rebellion. To others 
it was the obvious means of party mastery. These 
last it was who, when Mr. Lincoln was gone, ruled 
Congress, the masters of party strategy, — as clear of 
their motive as Samuel Adams, as astute to veil it upon 
occasion : masters always by consistent and aggressive 
force of purpose. 

The party they spoke for was not one of the historic 
parties of the Union. It was the child of the slavery 
contest. It had come into existence, an odd mixture 
of Whigs, Democrats, Free Soilers, Anti-Nebraska 
men, to prevent the spread of slavery into the Terri- 
tories, and had come into power with a programme 
which spoke, indeed, of other matters, with a tone which 



was chiefly the tone of the older Whigs, but which car- 
ried as its chief, its creative principle that single mat- 
ter of the restriction of the slave power. It was without 
record or tradition of ordinary service in times of normal 
life and growth. Its single task had been war for the 
preservation of the Union. It could not of a sudden 
get the temper of that task out of its '’oi' con- 
ciliation it had never learned; compromise and accom- 
modation seemed to it bad things of a past age when 
men were not bold for the right. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, 
of Pennsylvania, was the real leader of the House. 
He had come slowly to his final view of what should 
be done, acted upon by the times and the confused voices 
of counsel about him, as every man was in that shifting 
air, but he had reached conclusions at last which he 
spoke with callous frankness. In his judgment, he 
said, the southern States “ought never to be recognized 
as capable of acting in the Union, or of being recognized 
as valid states, until the Constitution should have been 
so amended as to make it what its makers intended, 
and so as to secure perpetual ascendency to the party 
of the Union.” The perpetual ascendency of his party 
was, in his programme, to he the guarantee of the safe 
reconstruction of the southern governments. 

The events of the memorable summer of 1865 had 
hardened his temper to that view. At first Mr. Johnson 
had seemed to the radical leaders of Congress a man 
to their own mind. His origin, his character, his place 
of leadership among the southern men who had doggedly 
set themselves against secession, had made him a fit 
instrument of radical action. He came of plebeian 
stock; had risen, not by address, but by blunt force 
of character, from among the humbler whites who 



owned no slaves, boasted no privilege, had no initiative 
voice in affairs; and had flung himself on the side of 
the Union as much out of antagonism to the men who 
played the parts of leadership in secession as out of 
principle. It was “a rich man’s war,” he said, “but 
a poor man’s fight”; and he, for one, would not fight 
for the behoof of the rich planters who assumed the 
mastery in such a struggle. A “Democrat” he was 
still, by cast and nature committed to the elder doctrines 
of the Jeffersonian creed, which exalted the common 
man and knew no rank or privilege of class ; but a Demo- 
crat for the Union. He had been put upon the pres- 
idential ticket with Mr. Lincoln because upon every 
question that touched the war the Republican leaders 
had wished to keep men of all opinions upon other mat- 
ters of policy united behind Mr. Lincoln. His short 
and heavy figure, his rugged, swarthy face, bespoke 
him a man as strong, as indomitable as Stephen Doug- 
las, for all he lacked Douglas’s charm and had no gift 
of persuasion. 

Mr. Lincoln had trusted him, and he had justified the 
confidence reposed in him, not indeed by wisdom, but 
by resolute, consistent, efficient action. When the war 
came he was one of the senators from Tennessee, and 
kept his post, itinoiing the secession of his State. 
When his term as senator was ended Tennessee was 
in the hands of the federal troops, and Mr. Lincoln 
commissioned him military governor of the State, to 
bring it again into “proper practical relation to the 
Union" in accordance with the Executive’s plan of re- 
construction. Like every man, untouched with great- 
ness, who has stood out against his own people in mat- 
ters that have been carried the length of civil war, there 



was a dash of bitterness in Mr. Johnson’s attitude and 
action in affairs. The first words he uttered as Presi- 
dent showed with what spirit he meant to use his new 
power. "The American people/’ he said, “must be 
taught to know and understand that treason is a crime. 
... It must not be regarded as a mere difference of 
political opinion. It must not be excused as an un- 
successful rebellion, to be overlooked and forgiven.” 
The Committee on the Conduct of the War, to which 
Congress had throughout the stress of the fighting 
intrusted the shaping of its business, called upon bim 
the day following his assumption of the presidency, 
and took heart to believe after then interview with bim 
that they might count upon such executive action as 
radicals would relish, — that they were once for all rid 
of the mild counsels of Mr. Lincoln. “Johnson, we 
have faith in you,” cried Mr. Benjamin Wade, the radical 
leader of the Senate. “ By the gods ! there will be no 
trouble now in running the government.” 

But a few weeks changed the whole aspect of affairs. 
Mr. Jolinson retained Mr. Lincoln’s cabmet vrb 

More than that, he kept to the plans Mr. Lincoln had 
made. Perhaps his judgment was cleared by sudden 
access of responsibility; no doubt his knowledge of 
the southern people enabled him to see, more clearly 
even than Mr. Lincoln had seen, the healing and benef- 
icent effects of a plan of reconstruction which should 
make as little of the ir>:;i i'-"i and as much of the 
community of interest between the sections as possible : 
for he acted upon experience, Mr. Lincoln only upon 
the instinct of a natural leader of men. No doubt men 
whom he trusted gave him moderate counsel and in- 
structed his will. Whatever the forces that ruled him, 



he proved at once that he meant to take no radical course 
of his own, but would follow in Mr. Lincoln's footsteps. 
On the 29th of May he issued his own proclamation 
of amnesty. Its terms were substantially the terms 


of Mr. Lincoln’s proclamation of 1863. The list of 
those excluded for the time being was a little extended. 
Besides persons still prisoners of war, those who had 
“held the pretended offices of governors of States in 
insurrection against the United States,” graduates of 



the military and naval academies who had been officers 
m the confederate service, those who had cMaa^ed m 
the destruction of the commerce of the United States 
m aid of the Confederacy, — whom Mr. Lmcoln had 
not specifically included m his catalogue of exclusions, 
— he added, as if to please himself and satisfy his in- 
stinct of class, all participants m secession whose taxable 
property exceeded twenty thousand dollars m value. 
But even to those thus specifically excepted he promised 
to extend clemency upon very liberal terms, if they 
would make personal apphcation for it, deahng with 
them in as generous a manner as might seem “con- 
sistent with the facts of the case and the peace and 
dignity of the United States.” 

It was his plan, as it had been Mr. Lincoln's, to set 
up new governments in the South by as simple and 
expeditious a process as possible. He knew as well 
as any man the practical details of what Mr. Lincoln 
had meant to do, for he had himself been Mr. Lm- 
coln's agent in putting his plan of reconstruction 
into execution in Tennessee Each State was to have a 
provisional governor, appointed by the President, who 
should be authorized to summon a constitutional con- 
vention, to be chosen under its old laws of suffrage by 
such of the voters of the State as would take the un- 
qualified oath of submission and allegiance prescribed 
by the proclamation of amnesty. It had been Mr. 
Lincoln's wish to include among the voters such freed- 
men as could read and write and those who had served 
in the federal armies; Mr. Johnson confined his view 
to the white men qualified under the laws of their States 
as they had stood in the spring of i86i. Conventions 
made up of and selected by those who were willing 



and were permitted to take the oath ottered were to 
be given full power to recast their state constitutions 
and set their state governments in order for the final 
withdrawal of the federal troops and the federal superm- 
tendence, provided only that the voters actually enrolled 
should number at least one tenth of the total number 
shown upon the rolls of i86l. The persons explicitly 
excluded from takmg the oath and participatmg m the 
reconstitution of the southern governments, — those who 
had been the leadmg spirits and chief agents of the 
Confederacy, whether in counsel or in action, — were, of 
course, the leading men of the South. Almost no one 
could take the oath of amnesty except men of the rank 
and file, the men who had not been slaveholders, who 
had fought in the armies of the Confederacy but who 
had had no part except the part of mere acquiescence 
in !■ i' . the war on, — the men of little property and 
no leading part in affairs from whose ranks Mr. Johnson 
himself had spnmg. His added exclusion of all par- 
ticipants in secession who owned property valued at 
more than twenty thousand dollars made it the more 
certain that it should be a reconstruction by the third 
estate, and not by the old leaders of opinion. He had 
the greater heart and interest on that account to see 
the plan succeed. 

He had come into office at the beginning of the long 
v‘< 'C" ■<>!!; i1 recess. The term of the Congress chosen 
in 1862 had expired on the 4th of March; the Congress 
chosen in the autumn of 1864 was not to come together 
until December. He had eight months before him in 
which to act without congressional interference. He 
was urged to call the houses together in extraordinary 
session and take counsel with them what should be 



done; but he refused to do so. He -wished to act without 
restraint. He had no more doubt than Mr. Lincoln 
had had that the process of reconstruction, so far as it 
concerned the reorganization of the southern govern- 
ments, was the function and the duty of the Executive, 


whose power of pardon covered every offence committed 
against the Union upon which Congress had not passed 
sentence of impeachment. It rested with Congress, 
he knew, to determine for itself whether it would receive 
the senators and representatives chosen under the 
governments which the President should authorize 

VOL. V.— 3 __ 


the southern conventions to set up; but the erection 
and recognition of those governments he conceived 
to be his own unquestionable constitutional preroga- 
tive. He filled the year, therefore, to the utmost with 
action and the rehabilitation of States. By the autumn 
every State of the one-time Confederacy had acted under 
his proclamation, had set up a new government, had 
formally agreed to the emancipation of the negroes, 
and had chosen senators and representatives ready to 
take their seats the moment Congress should admit 
them. Eleven of them had in due form adopted the 
Thirteenth Amendment, and their votes had been 
counted in its ratification. 

But other things had happened which had touched 
Congress quite as nearly as these processes of recon- 
struction, and the houses came together in December in 
no temper either to accept Mr. Johnson’s leadership or to 
adrmt the southern members who had come to Washing- 
ton under his patronage. Critical matters touching the 
negroes had put opinion in the North in a mood to insist 
on radical measures of legislation in behalf of the help- 
less multitudes whom the war had set free. Had there 
been no question what should be done with the negroes, 
all might have gone smoothly enough, whether the 
leaders of Congress and of opinion liked the re-admission 
of the southerners to their place and privilege in the 
general government or not. But there was much more 
to be done, as it seemed to the radicals who now stood 
at the front of counsel, than merely to determine the 
processes by which the governments of the southern 
States were to be formally reconstituted and made safe 
within the Union: and it was no doubt necessary to 
do what was to be done before admitting southern men 



to Congress, where their presence would reduce the 
Republican majorities from absolute masterj" to men 
preponderance. They were but ‘"whitewashed rebels," 
at best, and in nothmg showed their u"' ^ tempei 

more clearly than in their treatment of the freedmen 
That, in the view of the radicals, was the crux of the 
whole matter; and they had the pity and the humane 
feelmg of the whole country on their side. 

They did not deem the southerners safe friends of the 
freed slaves. They had not noted how quiet, how un- 
excited, how faithful and steady at then accustomed 
tasks, how devoted in the service of their masters the 
great mass of the negro people had remained anudst 
the very storm and upheaval of war; they had noted 
only how thousands had crowded into their camps as 
the armies advanced and plantations were laid waste, 
homes emptied of their inmates; and how every federal 
commander had had to lead in his tram as he moved 
a dusky host of pitiful refugees. It was a mere act of 
imperative mercy to care in some sort for the helpless 
creatures, to give them food, if nothing else, out of the 
army’s stores ; and yet to feed them was but to increase 
their numbers, as the news of bread without work spread 
ihrdiuih the country-sides. When the fightmg neared 
its end, and it was likely that the whole South would 
be in the hands of the federal commanders through 
a long season of unsettled affairs, it became obviously 
necessary that, for a time at least. Congress should 
take the negroes under the direct supervision and care 
of the government. On the 3d of March, 1865, therefore, 
while Mr. Lincoln still lived, an Act had been passed 
which created in the War Department a “Bureau of 
Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands,” whose 
V.-2 17 


powers were most elastic and paternal. It was in every 
way to succor the negroes: to supply their physical 
needs when necessary, to act as their representative 
and guardian in findmg employment and makmg 
labor contracts, to settle labor disputes and act as the 
next friend of negro litigants in all trials and suits at 
law, to lease to them tracts of abandoned land tem- 
porarily in the hands of the government because of 
the removal or disappearance or technical outlawry 
of their white owners, — in all thmgs to supply them 
with privilege and protection. 

It was such aid and providential succor the negroes 
had ignorantly looked for as the news and vision of 
emancipation spread amongst them with the progress 
of the war. They had dreamed that the blue-coated 
armies which stormed slowly southward were bringing 
them, not freedom only, but largess of fortune as well; 
and now their dream seemed fulfilled. The govern- 
ment would find land for them, would feed them and 
give them clothes. It would find work for them, but 
it did not seem to matter whether work was found or 
not : they would be taken care of. They had the easy 
faith, the simplicity, the idle hopes, the inexperience 
of children. Their masterless, homeless freedom made 
them the more pitiable, the more dependent, because 
under slavery they had been shielded, the weak and 
incompetent with the strong and capable; had never 
learned independence or the rough buffets of freedom. 

The southern > which Mr. Johnson au- 

thorized set up saw the need for action no less than 
Congress did. It was a menace to society itself that 
the negroes should thus of a sudden be set free and 
left without tutelage or restraint. Some stayed very 



quietly by their old masters and gave no trouble; but 
most 3delded, as was to have been expected, to the novel 
impulse and excitement of freedom and made their 


way straight to the camps and cities, where the blue- 
coated soldiers were, and the agents of the Freedmen's 
Bureau. The country filled with vagrants, looking 
for pleasure and gratuitous fortune. Idleness bred 
want, as always, and the vagrants turned thieves or 



importunate beggars. The tasks of ordinary labor 
stood untouched; the idlers grew insolent, v . ; 

nights went anxiously by, for fear of riot and incendiary 
fire. It was imperatively necessary that . 

should be done, if only to bring order again and make 
the streets of the towns and the highways of the coun- 
try-sides safe to those who went about their tasks. 
The southern legislatures, therefore, promptly undertook 
remedies of their own, — such remedies as English legis- 
lators had been familiar with time out of mind. 

The vagrants, it was enacted, should be bound out 
to compulsory labor; and all who would not work must 
be treated as vagrants. Written contracts of labor 
were required, and current rates of wages were pre- 
scribed. Those who did not enter into formal contracts 
for regular employment were obliged to obtain licenses 
for their trades and occupations from the magistrates 
or the police authorities of their places of labor, under 
the penalty of falling under the law of vagrancy. Minor 
negroes were to be put imder masters by articles of 
apprenticeship. Negroes were forbidden, upon pain of 
arrest by a vigdant patrol, to be abroad after the ring- 
ing of the curfew at nine o’clock, without written per- 
mission from their employers. Fines were ordered for 
a numerous list of the more annoying minor offences 
likely to be committed by the freedmen, and it was direct- 
ed that those who could not pay the fines should be 
hired out to labor by judicial process. There was no 
concert or imiformity between State and State in the 
measures adopted: some were more harsh and radical 
than others. Each State acted according to the apparent 
exigencies and circumstances of its own people. Where 
the negroes mustered in largest numbers, as in South 



Carolina, where they outnumbered the whites, restric- 
tion was, of course, pushed farthest and the most 
thorough-gomg legal tutelage for the freedmen at- 
tempted. Where their numbers were more n ji: <!!.(.- 
able, where conditions were more favorable, their free- 
dom of movement and of occupation was less interfered 

There was nothing unprecedented m such legislation, 
even where it went farthest. The greater part of it 
was paralleled by statutes of labor and vagrancy still 
to be found on the statute books of several of the northern 
States. But it was impossible it should stand m the 
same light. The labor and vagrancy laws of Maine, 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, which they most re- 
sembled, were uttered against a few tramps and beggars, 
here and there a runaway servant or apprentice, an 
occasional breach of duties regularly contracted for, 
while these new laws of the South were uttered against 
an entire race, but just now emancipated. Whatever 
their justification, it was inevitable that they should 
shock the sentiment of the North and make new and 
bitter enemies for the South in Congress. It was no 
ordinary time of action, when matters could be judged 
coolly and on their merits. For the leaders of Congress 
it was unpalatable enough that the southern States 
should have legislatures at all, upon a plan made and 
executed without conference with them; that those 
legislatures should thus undo the work of emancipation 
seemed a thing intolerable. And the new legislation 
seemed to them nothing less than that. It seemed 
to them merely an effort to substitute compulsory con- 
tracts of service and fixed rates of wages for the older 
rights of control and duties of support which custom 



had vouchsafed and assigned masters of slaves, — a 
sort of mvoluntary servitude by judicial process and 
under the forms of contract. They did not stop to con- 
sider the pressing necessity or the extraordmary cir- 
cumstances which justified such legislation. There 
were many theories held among them as to the legal 
powers and remainmg rights of the southern States, 
but their purpose of mastery in the readjustment of 
southern affairs was not materially affected by their 
differmg theories. They in effect regarded the southern 
States as conquered provinces, and looked upon emanci- 
pation as the main frmt of conquest. To make that 
emancipation good was only to secure the conquest 
itself. The negro had got a veritable apotheosis m 
the minds of northern men by the processes of the war. 
Those who had sent their sons to the field of battle to 
die in order that he might be free could but regard him 
as the innocent victim of circumstances, a creature 
who needed only liberty to make him a man; could but 
regard any further attempt on the part of his one-time 
masters to restrain him as mere vindictive defiance. 
They did not look into the facts : they let their sentiment 
and their sense of power dictate their thought eind 

Neither was it any part of the case, so far as they and 
their leaders in Congress were concerned, that the re- 
strictive legislation which they so bitterly resented had 
been practically without effect, because virtually set 
aside by the action of the Freedmen's Bureau. Every- 
where throughout the South agents of the Bureau prac- 
tically made the law which should in fact govern the 
negro and determine his relation to his employer. It 
was a Bureau of the War Department; its head was a 



general of the army; and its agents were for the most 
part army officers In many mstances thej^ were men 
of fine purpose and unimpeachable mtegrity, manly 
and anxious to do what was right and just to all con- 
cerned; but in many other instances they were men 
of petty temper, fond of using arbitrary power very 
masterfully, and glad upon occasion to use it for the 
utter humiliation of the southern white men with whom 
they dealt. Sometimes they were actually corrupt, and 
apt at every practice which promised them either added 
authority or private gain. Their powers, under the 
Act of Congress, -were in effect unlimited. They in- 
terfered with the processes of the courts; constituted 
themselves j’udges of every matter, whether of law or 
policy, that affected the negroes; made contracts for 
them and released them from their obligations at will; 
prescribed the services they should render and the wages 
they should receive; ignored and set at naught every 
provision of state law which touched the action or the 
privileges of the freedmen; and, for good or ill, to f ulfil 
their duty or to please themselves, were masters of the 

But that was what the congressional leaders had 
planned and expected. It did not lessen their irritation 
that the southern legislators had been in large part 
unsuccessful in what they had attempted to do When 
at last the long recess was over, therefore, and the houses 
once more assembled (December 4, 1865), it at once 
became evident that they had come together in a mood 
to insist upon their own way of settling southern affairs. 
The names of all the States that had seceded were omitted 
in the roll call. As soon as possible after the organiza- 
tion of the House, a joint committee of fifteen, consisting 



of nine representatives and six senators^ was set up 
to take charge of the business of the houses in the mat- 
ter of reconstruction. It was commissioned to make 
thorough inquiry into the condition of affairs at the 
South and to advise Congress what action it should 
take with regard to the readmission of the southern 
States to representation. There was no need that 
it should be in haste to report. The houses had al- 
ready in effect adopted the view of Mr. Thaddeus 
Stevens : that the secession of the southern States had 
suspended aU federal law, whether of the constitution 
or of statute, so far as they were concerned, that only 
the law-making and war-making branch of the federal 
government, the Congress itself, could authoritatively 
declare that law in force again; and that it might and 
should refuse to do so until itself satisfied of the absolute 
submission and unqualified obedience of the rebellious 
communities. There was every reason, if the President 
meant to stand in its way, why Congress should keep 
for the present its omnipotent party majorities. Each 
house, as it stood, had a Republican majority large 
enough, and compact enough, if it came to a struggle 
with the President, to override any veto he might venture 
to interpose to check its action. Should the southern 
States be readmitted to representation as they stood, 
under the President’s reconstruction, they would quite 
certainly send Democratic members to swell the ranks 
of the party which had, in its convention of 1864, declared 
the war a failure, and would rob the war party of its 
predominance. F or they must be accorded an increased 
representation. The slaves, now that they were free, 
must all be counted in apportioning representation; 
and yet the whites only would vote. It was that view 



of the future of party politics that had led R'lr. Sumner 
to declare, even before the actual struggle of the war 
was over, that “ the cause of human rights and of the 
Union needed the ballots as well as the muskets of the 


colored men”; and the leaders of the houses had no 
mind to yield their complete power until they had won 
their final ascendency. 

In February, 1866, their Committee on Reconstruction 
safely in the saddle, they formd themselves in direct 
conflict with the President, and the fight for which 



they had made ready begun. The Act of March, 1865, 
which had established the Freedmen’s Bureau, had 
limited its operation to one year. On the 6th of 
February, 1866, a bill passed the houses contmumg it 
indefinitely, and at the same time largely increasing 
its powers. It made any attempt to obstruct, interfere 
with, or abridge the civil rights and immunities of the 
freedmen a penal offence, to be adjudged and punished 
by federal military tribunals. The President vetoed it. 
He declared that he withheld his assent both because 
the measure was calculated to increase the restless- 
ness and uneasiness of the negroes and delay their set- 
tlement to a normal way of life, and because it had 
been passed by a Congress in which the southern States 
were not represented; and so joined issue directly with 
the men who had set the houses in a way of mastery. 
An attempt to pass the bill over his veto failed. The 
full party vote was not yet at the command of the 
radicals; some still held off from an open and final 
breach i\dth the President. 

But not for long. The President was in a mood as 
bitter and defiant as that of the extremest radical of 
the congressional majority. By sheer rashness and in- 
temperance he forced the consolidation of the majority 
against him. In a public speech uttered on the 22d 
of February, an anniversary of hope and good omen, 
he spoke of the majority in unmeasured terms of de- 
nunciation, and of its leaders by name, as men who 
themselves entertained some covert purpose of dis- 
loyalty to the government, planning to make it a gov- 
ernment, not federal, but consolidated and unlimited 
in power,— it might be even encouraging some criminal 
deed against himself such as had once already removed 



an obstacle from the path of their ambition. Accom- 
modation between himself and the houses was once 
for all impossible. It was as if he had openly declared 
war upon them; and their temper hardened to crush 


him. Though the effort to pass the bill for the con- 
tinuation of the Freedmen’s Bureau had failed in the 
Senate, the houses had in their very hour of failure 
sent to the President and published to the country a 
concurrent resolution in which they annotmced that 
no senator or representative would be admitted from 


any State held to have been in insurrection until Con- 
gress had upon its own terms and initiative declared 
it entitled to representation. Having heard his bitter 
speech of the 22d, they moved forward to execute the 
programme of their Committee on Reconstruction with 
a new spirit of mastery. 

In March they sent to the President a " Civil Rights ” 
bill which declared “all persons born in the United 
States, and not subject to any foreign power,” citizens 
of the United States , denounced severe penalties against 
interference with the civil rights of any class of citizens ; 
and gave to officers of the United States the right to 
prosecute, to the courts of the United States the ex- 
clusive right to try, all such offences, — meaning thus 
to put the negroes upon a footing of civil equality with 
the whites in the South. The President vetoed the 
bill, as both unwise and in plain excess of the constitu- 
tional powers of Congress. In April, the houses passed 
it over his veto. The same month their Committee, as 
if less confident of their constitutional ground than 
of their parliamentary supremacy, submitted the draft 
of a Fourteenth Amendment to the constitution which 
should embody the principles of the Act in a form which 
would give them unalterable validity. It conferred 
citizenship in the terms of the bill the President had 
rejected. In June Congress adopted the Amendment, 
and it went to the States, with the understanding that 
no southern State which did not accept it should be re- 
admitted to representation. Tennessee promptly adopt- 
ed it, and in July was formally reinstated in her “ former 
proper practical relation to the Union ” by the admission 
of her senators and representatives to Congress. Her 
case stood apart from the rest. Ever since Mr. Lincoln's 



proclamation of 1863 was put into effect she had been 
in process of reorganization. She had gone doubting 
and divided into the Confederacy, more than half her 
people, it might be, still staunchly minded to stand 
by the Union. Her “Union men” had controlled the 
process of reconstruction; and were heeded without 
serious difficulty when they knocked for admission 
into the houses. The other States, being as yet in 
other hands, were obliged to wait. 

The troubled year went uneasily upon every hand. 
As the spring came on, and all the country saw how it 
had come to an open breach between the President and 
Congress, movements began on the Canadian frontier 
which discovered a new disturbing element in interna- 
tional politics. While the war lasted New York had be- 
come the seat of the offices of a great society of Irish- 
men whose purpose was revolution over sea and that 
liberation of Ireland which Irishmen had ever prayed 
for. Across the sea, in Ireland, it was an association 
of peasants, not of politicians: it held a rank and file, 
not of agitators, but of plain, unsophisticated, earnest 
men on its rolls, men who might be taken to stand for 
the mass of Irish Catholics. In America it grew strong 
and drank of the spirit of war from the thousands of 
Irish-American soldiers who served as enthusiastically 
in the execution of its plans as in the battles for the 
preservation of the Union. Servant girls, cab drivers, 
porters, laborers on the railways filled its treasury 
out of their scant earnings. “Fenian,” the name it 
bore, was said to have been the name of the ancient 
Celtic militia of the emerald isle from which no true 
Irishman ever really tore his heart entirely away. Every 
man who looked below the surface of affairs believed 



that some day the secret of this great organization would 
spring to light in some burst of revolution which would 
shake Ireland with the rising of a whole people; and 
the close of the war for the Union seemed the time it 
had sought for a release of its power. Its first sally 
was not in Ireland, but in America, — across the northern 
border, against the English empire in Canada. It 
proved a thing to smile at after it was over : a few hun- 


dred men attempting a set invasion; a fort here and 
there set upon by a handful of reckless adventurers; 
quick defeat, repulse, dispersion. It was no slight 
cause of irritation to Canada, none the less, and to the 
English government over sea that these foolhardy foes 
should come from the territory of a friendly power to 
attempt their purpose. The government at Washington 
seemed singularly indifferent; did little that was effec- 
tive to check the criminal business; was apparently 
helpless against a handful of outlaws. A touch of 
tragedy was added to the perplexities of politics. 


There was tragedy enough in the domestic situation; 
but it was a moral tragedy, not the tragedy of bloody 
raids upon a peaceful border It was impossible to 
come to an understanding with Mr. Johnson. A more 
moderate, more approachable, more sagacious, less 
headstrong man might by conference have hit upon 
some plan by which his differences with the leaders 
in Congress would have been accommodated and at 
least a modus vivendt devised. But to differ with Mr. 
Johnson was to make an enemy of him, and Congress 
had suspected him an opponent rather than a friend 
from the first and was disinclined to seek accommoda- 
tion. His intemperate fashion of speech exaggerated 
his views in the mere statement, he seemed a violent 
partisan when he wished merely to enforce a convic- 
tion or make a resolute purpose plain. Mr. Sumner 
came away from an interview with him convinced 
that he had spoken with a man who heartily de- 
spised the entire North, felt a genuine contempt for 
its sentiments, and meant to serve the South as en- 
tirely, as openly, as illegally as Mr. Jefferson Davis 
himself. What was quite as bad, the South itself 
got wind of his partisan temper in its behalf, nursed 
the false hope that it would be shielded by his 
power, and deepened all the mischief by acting on 
the hope. 

It was no time at which to defy northern opinion and 
strengthen the hands of Congress by resistance. The 
autumn of the year was to bring another congressional 
election, and the leaders of the Republican majority 
in the houses would go to the country with a much 
better chance of winning than the President could pos- 
sibly count upon in the equivocal position into which 




he had got himself. In July the houses passed, over 
the President's veto, a bill which continued the Freed- 
men's Bureau for two years; provided for the sale of 
public lands to the negroes on easy terms ; appropriated 
the property of the confederate government to then- 
education ; and placed their civil rights under direct mil- 
itary protection. On the i8th of June the Committee 
on Reconstruction had made formal report of its views 
upon the situation. It was the policy of Congress en- 
forced by reasons, — reasons which, it might be hoped, 
would fortify the minds of members of Congress and 
please the voters of the North in the coming contest. 
It declared that the governments of the States recently 
in secession were practically suspended, by reason both 
of the irregular character of the new governments which 
had been set up and of the reluctant acquiescence of 
the southern people in the results of the war; and 
that it was essential to the peace and sound policy 
of the Union that the}^ should not be reinstated in 
their former privileges by Congress until they should 
have given substantial pledges, such pledges as Con- 
gress should demand, of their entire loyalty and sub- 
mission. With that appeal the houses went to the 

The friends of the President and of a moderate course 
in affairs, both Democrats and Republicans, came to- 
gether in goodly numbers in convention, led by men 
whom the country knew and had reason to trust, and 
made a demonstration in favor of the policy which had 
been Mr. Lincoln's and which should be that of every 
man who loved peace and sought accommodation; 
and their action did not fail to make a considerable 
impression everywhere upon those who could put passion 
^-3 33 


aside But ]VIr. Johnson would not let quiet counsel 
alone. Incapable of prudence, scornful of soft words, 
a bitter hater, cast by nature for the rough contacts of 
personal conflict and debate, he spoke to the country 
himself. At mid-summer he made a journey to Chicago, 
and at almost every stopping place where the people 
crowded about his car he uttered, with that air of passion 
which always went with what he said, invectives against 
Congress so intemperate, so coarse, so hot with personal 
feeling that those who heard him looked upon him as 
almost a man distraught, thrown from his balance 
He, not the leaders of Congress, seemed the radical, 
the apostle of passion ; and his passion, men could say, 
was against the Union, not lor it. He had set himself, 
his opponents declared, not to bring peace and restore 
the government to its integrity, but to perpetuate dis- 
cord and cheat the party of the Union of its ’> '' 

Two days after Congress adjourned (Julj^ 30, 1866) 
a New Orleans mob broke up an irregular “constitu- 
tional convention'’ of negroes and their partisans with 
violence and bloodshed. In October the southern States, 
as if taking their cue from the President, not from 
Congress, began, one after the other, to reject the Four- 
teenth Amendment; and every impression that had 
been formed of reaction and recalcitrancy at the South 
was confirmed. The result of the elections was a fore- 
gone conclusion. A Republican majority was sent to 
the House as overwhelmmg as that which dominated 
the Congress about to expire, the Republican num- 
bers in the Senate were maintained. The houses came 
together again in December heartened, resolute, trium- 
phant, ready to override the President with a policy 



of Thoravigli which should put the fortunes of the South 
entirely at their disposal. 

It was provided, by special Act, that the new Con- 
gress, just chosen, should convene, not in the following 
December, but on the 4th of March, 1867, in order that 
there might be no long vacation in which the President 


would be left free to exercise his independent authority. 
Before the 4th of March came a Reconstruction Act 
had passed through the slow fires of debate and be- 
come law (March 2d) which embodied in their unmarred 
integrity the radical plans of the joint committee of 
fifteen. It provided that the States of the Confederacy, 
with the exception of Tennessee, which had already 
been permitted to adopt the Fourteenth Amendment 



and resume its place in Congress, should be grouped 
for purposes of government m five military districts, 
under the command of five general officers of the army 
to be appomted by the President. These military gov- 
ernors were to control and direct the processes of recon- 
struction A temporar}^ clause of the proposed Four- 
teenth Amendment, which the southern States had 
rejected, excluded from office, whether under the States 
or under the federal government, at the pleasure of 
Congress, all who had at any time or in any capacitj'', 
civil of military, taken oath to support the constitution 
of the United States and afterwards 'C'.c;oee(l in in- 
surrection or rebellion” against it, "or given aid or 
comfort to its enemies.” The military governors un- 
der the Act were instructed to enroll in each State, under 
oath, only such citizens of voting age and of one year's 
residence within the State as they should deem qualified 
in accordance with the spirit of this prospective Amend- 
ment, the negroes, of course, included. They were to 
reject as voters all whom the proposed Amendment 
disqualified for office. They were then to order and 
hold in each State an election for delegates to a con- 
stitutional convention, in which none but the voters on 
their rolls should be allowed either to vote or to stand 
for election. They were to direct the conventions thus 
chosen to frame constitutions by which the elective 
suffrage should be extended without distinction to all 
classes of citizens included within the terms of the en- 
rolment already made; and were to submit the con- 
stitutions thus framed to the same voters for ratification. 
When adopted by the voters, the constitutions which 
this plan of Thorough had brought into existence were 
to be sent to Congress, through the President, for final 



approval. Each State, it was agreed, whose constitu- 
tion Congress should approve was to be readmitted 
to representation so soon as its legislature had ratified 
the Fourteenth Amendment. Meanwhile, its govern- 
ment was to be deemed "provisional only, and in all 
respects subject to the paramount authority of the United 
States, at any time to abolisli, control, or supersede 


it.” The houses had already ordered, by resolution, 
at their previous session, that the troops should be 
kept at their stations in the South until Congress should 
direct their recall. They now invested General Grant, 
the General of the Army, with powers which made him , 
and the army itself, practically independent of the 
President. He was given sole authority to order the 
removal or suspension of an officer, and military com- 
manders were explicitly excused from accepting the 



opinion of any civil official of the government in the 
construction of their powers. 

Many motives had governed the members of Con- 
gress m the adoption of this extraordinary programme. 
Some had allowed themselves to be driven to radical 
courses by sheer bitter feeling against the President, 
who msisted so intemperately upon a course more sim- 
ple, more moderate, more indulgent to the South, some 
could reason m statesmanlike fashion enough upon 
the premises of action, but could propose no alternative 
plan which seemed practicable or likely to command 
the support of the rank and file of their party, others 
w'ere party men, without pretence or refinement of view, 
their whole temper hardened and embittered by the war 
and all its unpalatable consequences, and were willing 
to follow those who were frankly bent upon brine 
the South to utter humiliation and penitent submission. 
Their leaders wished not only to give the negroes polit- 
ical privilege but also to put the white men of the Sbuth, 
for the nonce at any rate, under the negroes’ heels,, 
Every black voter, they cynically predicted, would 
once for all become under such tutelage a Republican 
voter, and the party which had conquered the South 
would rule it. Men who looked more scrupulously to 
their motives saw no way to withstand what they dis- 
approved; were themselves convinced that something 
must be done to protect the helpless blacks; feared as 
much as the radicals themselves to see the real leaders 
of the South again in control ; and, with r s, not 

a few, lent their aid to the revolutionary programme. 

The same months that saw the drastic Act debated 
and adopted vfitnessed a tragic revolution at the further 
south in which the government at Washington also 




plaj^ed its part. While the war for the Union was being 
fought, the emperor of France, looking to see that war 
rack the United States to pieces, had sent troops into 
Mexico and had set up a kingdom there for the Arch- 
duke Maximilian of Austria. He had got his oppor- 
tunity in a way which had seemed for a time to make 
other great powers of Europe his partners and allies in 
the conquest The closing days of the year 1857 had 
brought political upheaval and sharp civil war upon 
Mexico, which had resulted within two years in making 
Juarez, a Zapoteca Indian of singular capacity, master 
of the country. Juarez had not only confiscated the 
property of the church, but had also suspended by decree 
the payment of foreign debts, the debt of the Mexican 
nation itself included, and that decree had led, late in 
1861, to a demonstration in force upon his coasts by the 
three nations, England, France, and Spain, who were 
Mexico’s principal creditors. England and Spain would 
consent to do no more than was necessary to enforce 
the ]ust claims of their citizens, and Napoleon had agreed 
to be governed by the terms of co-operation which they 
prescribed: the seizure, it might be, of a custom house 
or two, but no serious stroke against the sovereignty 
of the country. From the first, nevertheless, he had 
meant to disregard his i ■ ' in the matter. 

He had long dreamed of conquest there in the south, 
and saw the time come now, as he thought, when he 
need fear no enforcement of the Monroe doctrine against 
him by the distracted government at the north In 
despite of protests, he sent an army of conquest to Mexico, 
and, postponing open possession by France, put the 
Archduke Maximilian in the usurped place of authority, 
keeping his armies there to secure his throne and the 



predominance of France. The government at Washing- 
ton protested but could do nothing more. The usurped 
throne stood, the armies of France remained, until 


the war for the Union closed and the hands of the Presi- 
dent were free. Then the protests from Washington 
took another tone and meaning, which Louis Napoleon 
was not self-deceived enough to suppose he could ignore. 



American troops began to be massed m the neighbor- 
hood of the Mexican frontier, near the familiar ground 
of General Taylor’s movements twenty j^ears before, 
and the French government saw that it must yield 
The French troops were withdrawn, and Maximilian 
was left to shape his fortunes alone. He was a man 
of high spirit, not apt to yield upon any point of honor, 
mindful of what he conceived to be his duty though 
he mistook it a man of character, resolved to stand 
by his throne even though the French withdrew. The 
resolution cost him his life Though he gathered a 
party about him, they were beaten by the partisans of 
Juarez. He was court-martialled, condemned, and 
shot. The melodramatic play which the histrionic 
genius of Napoleon had planned turned out a genuine 
tragedy, and a noble gentleman made a pitiful ending. 

The same month that witnessed the withdrawal of 
the troops of France from Mexico saw final arrange- 
ments made for the withdrawal of Russia from the 
Pacific coast of North America. On the 30th of March, 
1867, a treaty was agreed upon between Mr. Seward 
and the Russian minister at Washington for the sale 
of Alaska to the United States for the sum of seven 
million two hundred thousand dollars in gold. In 
May the treaty was ratified ; and in the following October 
formal transfer of the great territory was effected. Mr. 
Monroe had checked the movement of Russian power 
southward upon the Pacific coast by his message of 
1823, and in the forty odd years which had elapsed 
since that notable announcement of the supremacy 
of the United States in the western hemisphere the 
government at St. Petersburg had grown very indif- 
ferent to the retention of the bleak fragment of America 




left in its hands, — so far a\va5^ so difficult, it might be, 
of defence. Informal communications in regard to 
Its sale had passed between the two governments so 
long ago as 1859. Russia was anxious to sell, and 
the final purchase of 1867 was easily arranged for. 
There was a certain dramatic consistency in the as- 
sociation of the purchase of Alaska with the forced 
“withdrawal” of the French from Mexico. They 
stood together as logical consequences of the Monroe 
doctrine, whose avowed object had be^n to keep the 
American continents free from the control of European 

The deep effects wrought by Mr. Stevens's policy 
of Thorough in the southern States worked themselves 
out more slowly than the tragedy in Mexico, but with 
no less revolutionary force. Its operation brought on 
as profound a social upheaval as its most extreme ad- 
vocates could have desired. The natural leaders of 
the South either would not take the oath prescribed or 
were excluded from the right to enroll themselves as 
voters by the very terms of the Reconstruction Act. 
The negroes were the chief voters. The conventions 
which they chose and the governments which those 
conventions set up were constituted to secure them power. 
In Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, after the conven- 
tions had acted, the white voters rallied strong enough 
at the polls, as it turned out, to defeat the constitu- 
tions they had framed when they were submitted for 
ratification ; but they were only kept so much the longer 
under militari^ government, and were obliged to accept 
them at last. In Georgia the new constitution was 
adopted; but the statutes of the reconstituted State 
debarred negroes from holding office, and Congress 



would not admit her to representation so long as those 
statutes stood unrepealed. In the Carohnas, in Florida, 
in Alabama, Arkansas, and Louisiana nothing stayed 
the execution of the congressional plan, and by mid- 
summer, 1868, Congress was ready to readmit those 
States to representation. But South Carolina, Louisi- 
ana, and Florida were utterly given over in the process 
to the government of adventurers. 

Negroes constituted the majority of their electorates ; 
but political power gave them no advantage of their 
own. Adventurers swarmed out of the North to cozen, 
beguile, and use them. These men, mere “ carpet 
for the most part, who brought nothing with 
them, and had nothing to bring, but a change of clothing 
and their wits, became the new masters of the blacks. 
They gained the confidence of the negroes, obtained 
for themselves the more lucrative offices, and lived 
upon the public treasury, public contracts, and their 
easy control of affairs. For the negroes there was noth- 
ing but occasional allotments of abandoned or forfeited 
land, the pay of petty offices, a per diem allowance as 
members of the conventions and the state legislatures 
which their new masters made business for, or the wages 
of servants in the various offices of administration. 
Their ignorance and credulity made them easy dupes. 
A petty favor, a slender stipend, a trifling perquisite, 
a bit of poor land, a piece of money satisfied or silenced 
them. It was enough, for the rest, to play upon their 
passions. They were easily taught to hate the men 
who had once held them in slavery, and to follow blindly 
the political party which had brought on the war of 
their emancipation. 

There were soon lands enough and to spare out of 



which to make small gifts to them without sacrifice of 
gam on the part of their new masters. In Mississippi, 
before the work of the carpet baggers was done, six 
hundred and forty thousand acres of land had been 
forfeited for taxes, twenty per cent, of the total acreage 
of the State. The state tax leiy for 1871 was four 
times as great as the levy for 1869 had been; that for 
1873 eight times as great; that for 1874 fourteen times. 
The impoverished planters could not carry the intoler- 
able burden of taxes, and gave their lands up to be sold 
by the sheriff. There were few who could buy. The 
lands lay w’aste and neglected or were parcelled out at 
nominal rates among the negroes. In South Carolina 
the taxes of 1871 aggregated $2,000,000 as against a 
total of $400,000 in i860, though the taxable values of 
the State were but $j84 (‘Oo odd in 1871 and had been 
$490,000,000 in i860. There were soon lands to be 
had for the asking wherever the tax gatherer of the 
new governments had pressed his claims. The as- 
sessed valuation of property in the city of New Orleans 
sank, during the eight years of --i l-ba'j rule, from 
$146,718,790 to $88,613,930. Four years and a half 
of “reconstruction” cost Louisiana $106,020,337. The 
demoralization of affairs in Louisiana had begun in 
1862, when General Butler took possession of the city 
of New Orleans. The rich spoils of the place had proved 
too much for the principles of the men intrusted with 
the management of her affairs in times when law was 
silent; and the political adventurers who came out of 
the North to take charge of the new government set 
up under Mr. Stevens’s plan of reconstruction found 
the work they had come to do already begim. 

Taxes, of course, did not suffice. Enormous debts 


were piled up to satisfy the adventurers. The cases 
of Louisiana and South Carolina were no doubt the 
worst, but other States suffered in proportion to the 
opportunities they afforded for safe depredation. In 
1868 the debt of South Carolina had been $5,000,000; in 
1872 it was nearly $30,000,000. The debt of Louisiana 


in 1868 had been between six and seven millions; in 
1872 it was $50,000,000. Where the new rulers acted 
with less assiuance and immunity or with smaller 
resources at hand, debts grew more slowly, but the 
methods of spoliation were everywhere much the same ; 
and with the rise of debts went always the disappearance 
of all assets wherewith to pay them. Treasuries were 



swept clean. Immense grants were made in aid of 
public works which were never completed, sometimes 
not even begun. Raihvays were subsidized, and the 
subsidies, by one device or another, converted mto out- 
right gifts, which went into the pockets of those who 
had procured them, not mto the building or equipment 
of the road. A vast burden of debt was piled up for 
coming generations to carry; the present generation 
was much too poor to pay anjhhing. 

The real figures of the rum wrought no man could 
get at. It was not to be expressed in state taxes or 
state debts. The mcrease in the expenditure and in- 
debtedness of counties and towns, of school districts 
and cities, represented an aggregate greater even than 
that of the ruinous sums w'hich had drained the treas- 
uries and mortgaged the resources of the governments 
of the States; and men saw with their owm eyes what 
was going on at then own doors. What was afoot 
at the capitals of their States they only read of in the 
newspapers or heard retailed in the gossip of the street, 
but the affairs of their own villages and country-sides 
they saw corrupted, mismanaged, made base use of 
under their very eyes. There the negroes themselves 
were the office holders, men who could not so much 
as write their names and wffio knew none of the uses 
of authority except its insolence It was there that 
the policy of the leaders wrought its 

perfect work of fear, demoralization, disgust, and social 

No one who thought justly or tolerantly could think 
that this veritable overthrow of civilization in the South 
had been foreseen or desired by the men who had fol- 
lowed Mr, Stevens and Mr, Wade and Mr. Morton in 

V.-4 49 


their policy of rule or ruin. That handful of leaders it 
was, however, hard to acquit of the charge of knowing 
and intending the ruinous consequences of what they 
had planned. They would take counsel of moderation 
neither from northern men nor from southern. They 
were proof against both fact and reason in their de- 
termination to "put the white South under the heel of 
the black South.” They did not know the region with 
which they were dealing. Northern men who did know 
it tried to inform them of its character and of the danger 
and folly of what they were undertakmg ; but they re- 
fused to be informed, did not care to know, were in any 
case fixed upon the accomplishment of a single object. 
Their colleagues, their followers, kept, many of them, 
a cooler mind, a more prudent way of thought, but 
could not withstand them. They, too, were ignorant 
of the South. They saw but a little way into the future, 
had no means of calculating what the effects of these 
drastic measures would be upon the life and action of 
the South, and lacked even the Ivu'w’cdi^e of mere 
human nature which might have served them instead 
of an acquaintance with the actual men the}^ were deal- 
ing with. They had not foreseen that to give the suf- 
frage to the negroes and withhold it from the more 
capable white men would bestow political power, not 
upon the negroes, but upon white adventurers, as much 
the enemies of the one race as of the other. In that 
day of passion, indeed, they had not stopped to speculate 
what the effects would be. Their object had been to 
give the negro political power in order that he might 
defend his own rights, as voters everywhere else might 
defend theirs. They had not recked of consequences; 
for a little while they had not cared what they might be. 



They had prepared the way for the rum of the South, 
but they had hardly planned to ruin it. 

News of what was going on in the South was not 
slow to make its way to the ears of the country at large , 
but the editors of northern newspapers at first refused 
to credit what they heard. Men dismissed the reports 
with an easy laugh, as simply the South’s cry of ex- 
asperation that the negro should have been given the 
ballot and the power to rule. But incredulity grew 
more and more difficult; the accounts of what was 
going on grew more and more circumstantial; proof 
came close upon the heels of rumor, and opinion 
began to veer unsteadily. It shifted not only because 
of the disquieting news that came from the South, but 
also because of the desperate strain the government 
itself was put to at Washington by reason of the open 
breach and warfare between the President and Con- 
gress. The masterful men who led the congressional 
majority had not contented themselves with putting 
such laws as they chose upon the statute books despite 
the President’s vetoes; they had gone much further 
and taken steps to make the President a mere figure- 
head even in administration, and put themselves in 
virtual control of the executive personnel of the govern- 
ment. Along with the Reconstruction Act of 1867, 
which placed the governments of the southern States 
in their hands, they had forced thionoh over the Presi- 
dent’s veto, a Tenure of Office Act which deprived the 
President of the power of removal from office except by 
the advice and with the consent of the Senate. It gave 
even to cabinet officers a fixed tenure of four years. 
They could be dismissed within the four years of the 
presidential term only by the consent of the Senate. 



Here was a deliberate reversal of the constitutional 
practice of more than two generations. The debates 
of the first Congress under the constitution, the views 
of the statesmen who had framed the law of the gov- 
ernment, the opinions of lawyers, the unbroken prac- 
tice of sixteen presidents had been thought to establish 
beyond question the right of the chief magistrate to 
remove federal administrative officials at his pleasure. 
Congress, it seemed, was ready to override law and 
precedent alike to make good its mastery. 

khr. Johnson was not the man to declme such a chal- 
lenge. After n-jbh'io the policy of Congress in matters 
purely legislative with caustic vetoes and bitter con- 
demnation he was not likely to submit to have his very 
powers of admmistration stripped away without re- 
sistance carried to the utmost bounds. He had kept 
Mr. Lincoln’s cabinet; but he had not relished the at- 
titude of one or two of its members towards him. It 
had been hard enough for Mr. Lincoln, even, wdth his 
shrewd and kindly insight into the real nature of the 
man and his love for the sheer force and audacity with 
which he administered his critical office in days almost 
of revolution, to endure the wilful arrogance of Edwin 
M. Stanton, the Secretary of War , it was quite impossible 
for Mr. Johnson to endure it. It was something more 
than wilfulness that Mr. Stanton showed in his rela- 
tions with Mr. Johnson. He became openly a partisan 
of the radical leaders in Congress, and set himself to 
defeat the President at his own council table. He ad- 
ministered the affairs of his Department as if he con- 
sidered it an independent branch of the government; 
carried out the instructions of the President with regard 
to the South in a way to discredit as much as possible 

5 ^ 


the policy which they embodied , and seemed bent upon 
mamtaining the Department of War as a sort of coun- 
terpoise to the presidency itself until a man acceptable 
to the Republican majority in the houses should come 
to the head of the government. Mr. Johnson had 
wished from the first to be rid of him, but had wished 
also to preserve unbroken the tradition of policy handed 
on to him from Mr. Lincoln, and had hesitated to ask 
for his resignation. He determined now to make Mr. 
Stanton’s case a case for the test of his prerogative and 
of the Tenure of Office Act which sought to curtail it. 
In August (1867), during the congressional recess, 
he demanded Mr. Stanton’s resignation. Mr. Stanton 
refused to resign, and the President suspended him 
from office, as the terms of the Act itself permitted, 
putting General Grant in his place. When Congress 
reassembled in December the Senate refused to sanction 
the removal, and Mr. Stanton resumed his office. The 
President once again issued an order for his removal, 
and Mr. Stanton again refused to quit his office, ap- 
pealing to the House for protection. On February 
24, 1868, the House voted to impeach the President 
for high crimes and misdemeanors. 

His only offences were that he had added to his vetoes 
unmeasured abuse of the houses and their leaders and 
that he had disregarded an Act of Congress in his re- 
moval of Mr. Stanton; but the impeachment had been 
resolved upon as a political, not as a judicial, process 
of removal, in passion, not in cool judgment, — in the 
spirit of the men who in Mr. Jefferson’s day had sought 
to make it a means of party mastery against the judges 
of the federal courts. From the 5th of March to the 
l6th of May the unedifying trial dragged on. Even 



while it pended the Piesident went i, ^.o.-ieihly up and 
down the countr3’- speaking with his accustomed un- 
guarded passion and open defiance of ever}’ one con- 
cerned against him m the long series of controversies 
which had brought the trial on. Fortunately there 
were men among the Republicans of the Senate who 
put their consciences as lawyers and their scruples as 
statesmen before their allegiance to their party leaders. 
On the i6th of May the impeachment broke down. The 
first test vote was taken; seven Republican senators 
voted with the ten Democrats of the upper house against 
the thirty-five Republican senators who cast their votes 
for conviction. The managers had failed to secure the 
two-thirds necessary to convict ; and a verdict of acquit- 
tal was entered. The Secretary of War ic'-h’ud his 
office, and the contest was over. 

It was, it turned out, the President’s noisy, unap- 
plauded exit from public trust and • ' Four 

days after the failure of the impeachment proceedings 
the Republican nominating convention met at Chicago 
which was to name a candidate for the presidential 
term to begin on the 4th of March, 1869. It nominated 
General Grant, unanimously and wdth genuine enthusi- 
asm, because he was a faithful officer and no politician. 
Mr. Johnson had shown himself a Democrat, not a Re- 
publican, as party lines had been drawn upon the issue 
of reconstruction; but the Democrats wanted him for 
another term as little as the Republicans did. Their 
convention nominated Mr. Horatio Seymour, of New 
York, a man of high character and unimpeachable repu- 
tation in affairs, and went to the coimtry on the ques- 
tion of reconstruction. The result no one seriously 
doubted from the first. Few voters in the Republican 



ranks at the North had as yet suffered themselves to 
see anything in Mr. Stevens's plan of Thorough to 
daunt either their taste or their principles; the votes 

of most of the southern States then reconstructed were 
turned over to the Republican candidate, as expected, 
by the negro voters; and Mr. Seymour obtained but 
eighty ballots in the electoral college to General Grant's 
two hundred and fourteen. It was a significant thing, 



nevertheless, that in a total popular vote of more than 
5,700,000 General Grant’s majority was but a little more 
than three hundred thousand. IVlr. Seymour had car- 
ried New York and New Jersey at the centre of the old 
Union. A slight shifting of the winds of opinion might 
brmg weather on which the policy of reconstruction 
devised m Congress could not survive. But a more 
normal season seemed at hand. The country was to 
have at least peace at its capital, a President trusted 
by the leaders of Congress. Mr. Johnson’s tempestuous 
and troubled term was over, and a plain soldier again 
at the head of the government. 

Congress did not wait for General Grant’s iiiauiiiira- 
tion, however, to go forward with its policy of recon- 
struction. Before the end of February, 1869 (February 
25th), it proposed to the States a Fifteenth Amendment 
intended to lay in the constitution itself the founda- 
tions of negro suffrage which had as yet only the sup- 
port of the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, mere statutes. 
“The right of citizens of the United States to vote,” 
so ran its terms, “shall not be denied or abridged by 
the United States or any State on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude.” New Jersey, 
Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, California, and Oregon 
rejected it; Tennessee did not act upon it; but thirty 
of the thirty-seven States accepted it, and it became 
part of the constitution. Virginia, Gc-''-';i Missis- 
sippi, and Texas had not yet been reconstructed to the 
satisfaction of Congress; the acceptance of this new 
Amendment, accordingly, the enactment in perpetuity 
of the principle of the Reconstruction Act, was made 
a condition precedent to their readmission to Congress, 
as the acceptance of the Thirteenth Amendment, which 



gave the negroes their freedom, and of the Fourteenth, 
which made them citizens of the United States and of 
the States of their residence, had been. This, too, was 
to be part of the hard -driven bargain of reconstruc- 
tion before the Republican leaders would be satisfied. 
The dominance of the negroes in the South was to be 
made a principle of the very constitution of the Union. 
A long year went by before three fourths of the States 
had ratified the radical Amendment, but the necessary 
votes came in at last, and on the 30th of March, 1870, 
the new article was officially declared in force. 

The price of the policy to which it gave the final 
touch of permanence was the temporary disintegration 
of southern society and the utter, apparently the irre- 
trievable, alienation of the South from the political 
party whose mastery it had been IMr. Stevens’s chief 
aim to perpetuate. The white men of the South were 
aroused by the mere instinct of self-preservation to 
rid themselves, by fair means or foul, of the intolerable 
burden of governments sustained by the votes of ignorant 
negroes and conducted in the interest of adventurers: 
governments whose incredible debts were incurred that 
thieves might be enriched, whose increasing loans and 
taxes went to no public use but into the pockets of party 
managcis and corrupt contractors. There was no 
place of open action or of constitutional agitation, under 
the terms of reconstruction, for the men who were the 
real leaders of the southern communities. Its restric- 
tions shut white men of the older order out from the 
suffrage even. They could act only by private com- 
bination, by private means, as a force outside the gov- 
ernment, hostile to it, proscribed by it, of whom oppo- 
sition and bitter resistance was expected, and expected 


E.iiCO*\ S'l'K-UCllOxV 

with defiance Sober men kept their heads; prudent 
men saw how sad an increase of passion would come 
out of hasty counsels of strife, an open grapple between 
those outlawed and those appointed to govern. Alen 
whom experience had chastened saw that only the 
slow processes of opinion could mend the unutterable 
errors of a time like that. But there were men to whom 
counsels of prudence seemed as ineffectual as they 
were unpalatable, men who could not sit still and suffer 
what was now put upon them. It was folh'’ for them 
to give rein to their impulses; it was impossible for 
them to do nothing. 

They took the law into their own hands, and began 
to attempt by intimidation what they were not allowed 
to attempt by the ballot or by any ordered course of 
public action. They began to do by secret concert and 
association what they could not do in avowed parties. 
Almost by accident a way was found to succeed which 
led insensibly farther and farther afield into the ways 
of violence and outlawry. In May, 1866, a little group 
of young men in the Tennessee village of Pulaski, find- 
ing time hang heavy on then: hands after the excite- 
ments of the field, so lately abandoned, formed a secret 
club for the mere pleasure of association, for private 
amusement, — for anything that might promise to break 
the monotony of the too quiet place, as their wits might 
work upon the matter, and one of their number sug- 
gested that they call themselves the Kuhlos, the Circle. 
Secrecy and mystery were at the heart of the pranks 
they planned: secrecy with regard to the membership 
of their Circle, secrecy with regard to the place and 
the objects of its meetings ; and the mystery of disguise 
and of silent parade when the comrades rode abroad 



at night when the moon was up . a white mask, a tall 
cardboard hat, the figures of man and horse sheeted 
like a ghost, and the horses’ feet muffled to move with- 
out sound of their approach. It was the delightful 
discovery of the thrill of awesome fear, the woeful look- 
ing for of calamity that swept through the country- 
sides as they moved from place to place upon their silent 
visitations, coming no man could say whence, going 
upon no man knew what errand, that put thought of 
mischief into the minds of the frolicking comrades. It 
threw the negroes into a very ecstasy of panic to see 
these sheeted “Ku Klux” move near them in the 
shrouded night; and their comic fear stimulated the 
lads who excited it to many an extravagant prank and 
mummery. No one knew or could discover who the 
masked plaj^ers were, no one could say whether they 
meant serious or only innocent mischief; and the zest 
of the business lay in keeping the secret close. 

Here was a very tempting and dangerous instrument 
of power for days of disorder and social upheaval, when 
law seemed set aside by the very government itself, 
and outsiders, adventurers, were in the seats of authority, 
the poor negroes, and white men without honor, their 
only partisans. Year by year the organization spread, 
from county to county, from State to State. Every 
country-side wished to have its own Ku Klux, founded 
in secrecy and mystery like the mother " Den ” at Pulaski, 
until at last there had sprung into existence a great 
Ku Klux Klan, an "Invisible Empire of the South,” 
bound together in loose ..-uai' Va'^.M to protect the 
southern country from some of the ugliest hazards of a 
time of revolution. The objects of the mysterious 
brotherhood grew serious fast enough. It passed from 



jest to earnest. Men took hold of it who rejoiced to 
find in it a new instrument of political power ; men half 
outlawed, denied the suffrage, without hope of justice 


in the courts, who meant to take this means to make 
their will felt. " They were to protect their people from 
indignities and wrongs; to succor the suffering, par- 
ticularly the families of dead confederate soldiers”; 
to enforce what they conceived to be the real laws of 

VOL. V.— 6 


their States “ and defend the constitution of the United 
States and all laws passed in conformity thereto; to 
aid in executing all constitutional laws and protect 
the people from unlawful seizures and from trial other- 
wise than by jury.” Similar secret orders grew up 
alongside the great Klan, or m States w'here its “ dens ” 
had not been established : Knights of the White Camel- 
lia, Pale Faces, Constitutional Union Guards, the White 
Brotherhood, to serve the same ends by the same means. 
The Knights of the White Camellia, founded in New 
Orleans in the winter of 1867-1868, spread their or- 
ganization abroad more widety even than the Ku Klux 

It was impossible to keep such a power in hand. Sober 
men governed the counsels and moderated the plans 
of these roving knights errant , but it was lawless work 
at best. They had set themselves, after the first year 
or two of mere mischievous frolic had passed, to right 
a disordered society through the power of fear. Men 
of hot passions who could not always be restrained 
carried their plans into effect. Reckless men not of 
their order, malicious fellows of the baser sort who did 
not feel the compulsions of honor and who had private 
grudges to satisfy, imitated their disguises and borrowed 
their methods. What was done passed beyond mere 
mummery, mere visiting the glimpses of the moon and 
making night hideous, that they might cause mere 
"fools of nature horridly to shake their disposition 
with thoughts beyond the reaches of their souls.” It 
became the chief object of the night-riding comrades 
to silence or drive from the country the principal mis- 
chief-makers of the reconstruction regime, whether 
white or black. The negroes were generally easy 



enough to deal with: a thorough fright usually dis- 
posed them to make utter submission, resign their parts 
in affairs, leave the country, — do anything their ghostly 
visitors demanded But white men were less tractable; 
and here and there even a negro ignored or defied them. 
The regulators would not always threaten and never ex- 
ecute their threats. They backed their commands, when 
need arose, with violence. Houses were surrounded m 
the night and burned, and the inmates shot as the3^ 
fled, as in the dreadful daj^s of border warfare. Men 
were dragged from their houses and tarred and feath- 
ered. Some who defied the vigilant visitors came mj^s- 
teriously to some sudden death 

The more ardent regulators made no nice discrimina- 
tions. All northern white men or women who came 
into the South to work among the negroes, though 
thej’' were but school teachers, were in danger of their 
enmity and silent onset Many of the teachers who 
worked among the negroes did in fact do mischief as 
deep as any political adventurer. The lessons taught 
in their schools seemed to be lessons of self-assertion 
against the whites ■ they seemed too often to tram their 
pupils to be aggressive Republican politicians and 
mischief-makers between the races. The innocent and 
enlightened among them suffered in the general opinion 
from the errors of those who deliberately sowed discord ; 
and the regulators too often failed to discriminate be- 
tween those who made trouble and those who fulfilled 
their gentle errand in peace and good temper. 

The ranks of those who flocked into the South to 
take part in the reconstruction of the States and the 
habilitation of the negro for his life of freedom were 
strangely mixed of good and bad. The teachers came 



upon an errand of mercy and liimianitj’", but came too 
many of them with bitter thoughts and intolerant pur- 
pose against the white people of the South, upon whom, 
as they did not reflect, the fortunes of the negro in any 
case depended. The politicians came for the most 
part like a predatory horde , but here and there emerged 
a man of integrity, of principle, of wise and moderate 
counsel, who m the long run won the confidence even 
of those who hated with an ineradicable hatred the 
party and the practice of federal control which he rep- 
resented, The Ku Klux and those who masqueraded 
in their guise struck at first only at those who made 
palpable mischief between the races or set just law aside 
to make themselves masters ; but their work grew under 
their hands, and their zest for it. Brutal crimes were 
committed; the innocent suffeied with the guilty, a 
reign of terror was brought on, and society was in- 
finitely more disturbed than defended. Law seemed 
oftentimes given over. The right to the writ of habeas 
corpus was again and again suspended to check the 
lawless work. At least one governor of the recon- 
struction period sent to his adjutant general lists of 
leading citizens proscribed, with the suggestion that 
those whose names were specially marked should be 
tried by court martial and executed at once before the 
use of the writ should be restored. One lawless force 
seemed in contest with another. 

Such was the disturbing subject matter of the news 
which crept north during the first year of General Grant's 
administration as President. It found business as 
well as politics moved by its own uneasy excitements. 
The year 1869 witnessed an attempt on the part of a 
small group of brokers to comer the gold market, sin- 




gularly audacious, singularly fatal in its consequences 
to the business of the country. Their operations 
culminated on a certain “Black Friday,” the 24th of 
September, 1869. All foreign trade balances, all pay- 


ments of customs duties at the ports, required gold, and 
thfe Wall Street firm of Smith, Gould, Martin & Co., 
in association with a few others, undertook nothing 
less than to get control of all the gold in the country 
that was available for such purposes, outside the Treas- 
ury of the United States. They sought to keep the 
V .-5 65 


gold in the Treasury out of their way in the market by 
interesting friends of the President to ply him with 
arguments based upon public policy to which they 
thought he would be amenable, and hurried their opera- 
tions to a crisis while the arguments told; bought gold 
on every hand, at any figures, and forced its price up, 
up, until the end came on that Friday which the Street 
was never to forget On that day they had the prices 
and the stock of gold almost at their disposal when 
the news came that the President had ordered the sub- 
treasury of the United States at New York to sell gold 
from the vaults of the government for the relief of the 
market and it was known that the hundred million 
which the government held had begim to be released. 
Then the crash came, and the rum the operators had 
wrought, for themselves and others, was laid bare. 
Trade at home as well as abroad depended upon the 
available stores of gold. That desperate speculation 
had upset credit. The movement of the crops halted, 
foreign trade came to a standstill ; the West would not 
deal with the East; the East could not deal over sea. 
No man who handled money knew just where he stood. 
The business of the continent was racked to its centre; 
and every man who knew the money market knew 
that it would be many a weary month, it might be many 
a weary year, before the demoralizing effects of that 
day would pass away The operators who had brought 
the panic on shielded themselves in the courts, and 
even the immediate ruin they had v rilin' hi upon their 
victims could not be repaired. 

There were abundant crops, and business lacked 
nothing to make it prosperous but a steady money 
market. The census taken in 1870 showed the popula- 



tion of the country increased by more than seven millions 
since i860, for all it had been a decade filled -with death 
and war. Even the South had added some eight hun- 
dred thousand to her reckoning. Industry went forward 
at a quiet pace, and the wealth of the country grew m 
the very season of financial panic. It was the unquiet 
spirit of adventure that upset affairs. The war had 
thrown business from its ordinar}^ courses. The huge 
purchases of the War Department, the unusual peril 
of the seas so long as the confederate privateers were 
abroad, the necessarj^ hazards of business while war 
filled every transaction with conjecture had bred the 
speculative temper and quickened the instinct for ad- 
venturous operations on the grand scale, had made 
men apt at managing “’corners” and reckless what 
risks they added to the legitimate hazards of trade. 

Embarrassments alike of business and of feeling, 
created by the war and all that had come in its train, 
cleared very slowlj’- away. Local storm though it was, 
the war had not failed to send its airs abroad and cre- 
ate international disturbances as well as domestic. It 
had particularly threatened to bring about serious 
misunderstandings between England and the United 
States. Most of the confederate privateers and swift 
cruisers that had played havoc with the sea-going trade 
of the United States during the earlier years of the 
war had been built in English ship yards and had come 
from English ports. Their arms and equipment had 
been bought in England. Their officers had waited 
for them in England, drawing their pay, the while, 
through English banks. The English government 
acknowledged itself bound to prevent all overt attempts 
of its subjects to aid or arm the enemies of a nation 



with which it was at peace, and to prevent the use of its 
ports and waters as a base of naval operations against 


her ; but it did not consider itself bound, as the govern- 
ment of the United States contended that it should, to 
canvass every case of suspicion in such matters and 



detain vessels merely upon reasonable ground of belief 
that they were intended for uses inconsistent with its 
neutrality. Mr. Charles Francis Adams, the min ister 
of the United States, had brought every case promptly 
to the attention of her Majesty's ministers and m more 
than one case had laid convincing evidence before them 
of the character and destination of vessels being fitted 
out in English ship yards for the service of the Con- 
federacy; and the government at Washington could 
not but connect their slow and indifferent action in 
the cases submitted, their apparent unwi"’ to 

examine the evidence, their slackness in taking steps 
to seize the suspected vessels with their manifest friend- 
liness, or at least benevolent neutrality, towards the 
Confederate States, their recognition of their belligerent 
rights, their half inclination to accord them full rec- 
ognition as an independent power. It soon became 
evident that entire cordiality of feeling between the 
two governments could not be restored until the matter 
had been brought to a definite u ;; and final 


The reckoning came at the very outset of General 
Grant’s administration. Mr. Seward had tried to bring 
it about while Mr. Johnson was President, but the 
Senate had rejected the method of settlement he had 
been wdlling to adopt, and an arrangement agreeable 
to both governments was not arrived at until the spring 
of 1871. In May of that year, a Joint High Commis- 
sion appointed by the President and the ministers in 
London and sitting in Washington, agreed upon a 
treaty, acceptable to the Senate, which referred the 
claims of the United States against Great Britain on 
account of the damage inflicted by the Alabama, the 



Florida, the Shenandoah, and all other confederate 
vessels alleged to have been fitted out in British ports, 
“ genericall}’ known as the Alabama claims,” to the 
arbitration of a tribunal of five persons to be named 
by the President of the United States, the Queen of Eng- 
land, the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss Con- 
federation, and the Emperor of blrazil respectively, and 


to sit at Geneva, in Switzerland. The treaty of Wash- 
ington, — so it was called, — provided also for the settle- 
ment of other matters in dispute between the two govern- 
ments which touched their permanent interests: the 
right of American fishermen to catch fish upon the 
Canadian coasts and of Canadian fishermen to make 
their catches upon the northern coasts of the United 
States, and the exact line of boundary between the 
United States and British North America within the 
streams which separated them and within the channel 



between Vancouver’s Island and the continent; but 
the Alabama claims for the moment seemed to all e3"es 
to stand at the front of the matter. On the 14th of 
September, 1872, after a tlrree months’ hearing, the 
Geneva tribunal rendered a decision in favor ol the 
United States, onlj^ the English member of the court 
dissenting. It awarded to the United States 815,500,000 
in damages. But the strain of the matter had been 
taken off bj’- the treatr^; the decision of the tribunal 
ended, not a controversy, but a judicial process at the 
end of controversy. 

The strain of domestic politics was enough to with- 
draw heat from such matters when once they had be- 
come mere matters of business. The reconstruction 
even of those southern States in which the establishment 
of negro majorities had miscarried and the white vot- 
ers had mustered strong and stubborn enough to reject 
the laws Congress tried to thrust upon them (Virginia, 
Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas) was complete by mid- 
summer, 1870. But the mere completion of the formal 
process of reconstruction, as planned in Congress, did 
not mean order or the quiet settlement of affairs in the 
South. The w^hite men, with whom effective initiative 
and the real weight of predominance rested in any 
case, liad had their wits quickened and their temper 
hardened by what the Republican leaders had done. 
They were shut out from the use of the ballot and from 
every open and legitimate part in affairs, but they had 
come at their power in another way. Those who loved 
mastery and adventure directed the work of the Ku 
Klux. Those whose tastes and principles made such 
means unpalatable brought their influence to bear 
along every line of coimsel or of • . • , , ■ . ■ that 




promised to thrust the carpet bagger out of office and 
discourage the negro in the use of his vote. Congress 
saw where they meant to regain their master}^ at the 
polls, and by what means, the intimidation and control 
of the negroes without regard to law, — the law thrust 
upon them, not theur own, and hastened to set up a 
new barrier of statute against them. 

In May, 1870, it had passed an Act which put southern 
elections and the registration of voters in the southern 
States under the superintendence and virtual control of 
federal supervisors and marshals, who were empowered 
to protect all voters in the exercise of their right of suf- 
frage, and whose complaints were to be heard, not by 
the courts of the States, but by the circuit courts of 
the United States alone At its next session it still 
further strengthened the Act. The forty-second Con- 
gress met on the 4th of March, 1871, in extraordinary 
session, to continue legislation to the same end. Not 
merely the acts of registration and voting needed to be 
guarded, every privilege conferred upon the negro as 
an incident of his new freedom seemed in need of pro- 
tection: the Republican leaders were determined that 
the Fourteenth as well as the Fifteenth Amendment 
should be buttressed about by penal legislation and 
the whole force of the government, if necessary, brought 
to bear to put them into effectual execution. A commit- 
tee of seven senators and fourteen representatives was 
appointed to inquire into the actual condition of the 
South and ascertain the facts with regard to the alleged 
outrages there, and a drastic Act was passed (April 
20, 1871) wliich was meant to crush the Ku Klux Klan 
and all lawless bands acting after its fashion. Its 
provisions made such acts, whether of violence or of 



mere intimidation, as the secret societies of the South 
had committed conspiracy agamst the government of 
the United States, punishable by hea\y fines or by im- 
prisonment, or by both fine and imprisonment, and 
authorized the President, whenever the state authorities 
were imable or unwilling to prevent or check them, 
to use the land and naval forces of the federal govern- 
ment for their suppression, as against an msurrection. 
It authorized him, also, until the close of the next regu- 
lar session of Congress, to suspend at his pleasure the 
writ of habeas corpus "durmg the continuance of such 
rebellion against the United States,” in such portions 
of the southern coimtry as seemed to him most touched 
by the disorders of the time or most under the control 
of the secret associations. The Act gave to the federal 
courts which were empowered to enforce it the right to 
exclude from their juries persons suspected of sym- 
pathizing with those who violated its provisions. It 
was meant to destroy root and branch the orf> an Nations 
which had set themselves to annul the rights of the 
negroes. The Act of May, 1870, had made it a criminal 
offence “to go in disguise upon the highway, or upon 
the premises of another” by way of conspiracy "to 
deprive any citizen of his constitutional rights,” strik- 
ing directly at the secret orders and their more lawless 

General Grant used the powers conferred upon him 
with the energy and directness of a soldier, as Congress 
had expected. On the 12th of October, 1871, '.h' l 

out nine counties of South Carolina in which such acts 
as Congress had aimed its blow at were most frequent, 
he called upon the members of aU illegal associations 
within them to surrender their arms and disguises 

VOL. V.— 7 __ 


within five da3''s. Five da5’’S afterwards, his proclama- 
tion not havmg been heeded, he suspended the privilege 
of the writ of habeas corpus in the counties named, and 
two hundred arrests, followed promptl}^ enough by 
prosecution and conviction, were immediateh^ made. 
It was easj", with the powers bestowed by the Act upon 
the federal judges, to push trials to a quick consumma- 
tion, and to eliminate all reasonable chance of escap- 
ing conviction. And the action of the President in 
South Carolina was but a beginning of his action 
tlirmitrhoiii the South. Ever\uvhere that the secret 
orders or the reckless fellows who plied their means 
of intimidation without scruple or principle or public 
object had been most active arrests and prosecutions 
came thick and fast ; and within but a little more than 
a year an end was made of the business. 

But, though the Act had worked its drastic remedy, 
peace, accommodation, the rational relationships be- 
tween race and race upon which alone a reasonable 
order of life could rest, were, it might be, further off 
than ever. The joint committee of Senate and House 
which Congress had appointed to accompany the execu- 
tion of the Act with a thorough-going inquiry into the 
actual condition of the South filled thirteen volumes 
with the reports of their investigations. The\^ found 
no justification for what the white men of the South, 
desperate to free themselves from the rule of negroes 
and adventurers, had done; they drew forth from their 
witnesses little but what was dark and of evil omen; 
they made no serious attempt to understand the causes 
which underlaj" conspiracy and chronic disorder; they 
onE laid before the countrj" a mass of undigested tes- 
timom% crude, unverifiable, and uttered their expected 



condemnation of a people at hay. But the countn^ 
began to see for itself the real philosophy of the painful 
story. Significant rifts began to show themselves 


in opinion. It began to be plainly evident to all who 
were willing to look facts in the face what Mr. Stevens 
and his radical colleagues had really accomplished 
by their policy of Thorough. They had made the 


white men of the South implacable enemies, not of the 
Union, but of the party that had saved the Union and 
which now earned its affairs in its hands. Their re- 
construction, whose object had been, not the rehabilita- 
tion of the southern governments, but the political en- 
franchisement of the negroes, had wrought a work of 
bitterness incomparably deeper, incomparably more 
difficult to undo, than the mere effects of war and a 
virtual conquest of arms. They had made the ascen- 
dency of the party of the Union seem to the men of the 
South nothing less than the corruption and destruction 
of their society, a reign of ignorance, a rdgime of power 
basely used, and this revolt, these secret orders with 
their ugly work of violence and terror, these infinite, 
desperate shifts to be rid of the burden and night- 
mare of what had been put upon them, were the con- 

The reactions of opinion were slow. The country, 
though it grew uneasy, was not yet ready to put itself 
in the hands of the Democratic party, which had op- 
posed the war, and which still suffered in the thought 
of the voters the discredit of its old alliance with the 
slave owners. The presidential election of 1872 came 
and went without disturbing the supremacy of the 
majority. But it brought to light many things that 
gravely disquieted the Republican leaders. Thought- 
ful and influential men whose support they could ill 
afford to lose, were, they perceived, being alienated 
from them. It was a serious matter that their plans 
in the South had so miscarried and required even yet 
the policing of whole districts by armed men. Evidently 
nothing but force sustained them, or could sustain 
them; and no humane or thoughtful man could look 



with complaisance upon a perpetual subjection of the 
South to federal arms. The administration of southern 
affairs from Washmgton wore, moreover, from another 
angle an unhandsome appearance. Its objects seemed 
to be, not so much the enforcement of constitutional 
rights as the aggrandizement of personal adherents 
of the President and of the close partisans of the Re- 
publican leaders who were most in his confidence. The 
troublesome, unwholesome matter of ofiicial patronage 
played too prominent a part in the motives of the govern- 
ment, and made the treatment of southern affairs seem 
only a phase of the general “ spoils system ” of appoint- 
ment to office which seemed to have fastened itself upon 
the party organization of the country. 

It was bad enough that the federal offices should be 
emptied wholesale upon a change of parties in the ad- 
ministration, to make room for the partisans of the 
successful leaders, as they had been when Mr. Lincoln 
came to the presidency, — as they had been at every 
change of parties since General Jackson's day; but 
that had at least given pohtical sohdarity to the ad- 
ministration and made the President in some sort master 
in the coimsels of his party. Now a new and sinister 
sign was added that the official patronage of the gov- 
ernment was to be used, not to strengthen and sohdify 
the administration, but to give secure political power 
to local managers who were to be permitted to dictate 
to the President whom he should appoint to office. In 
one State after another there emerged some one man, 
— a. senator, a representative, a federal official of high 
office, — who was recognized as the President's only 
adviser with regard to aU appointments within his 
State; and all federal office holders within that State 



became' by natural consequence his sycophants. In 
the South these petty masters were too often the political 
adventurers who had been drawn to their places of 
preferment by the temptations of the process of recon- 
struction, when the negroes waited to be used, or men 
who were themselves the subservient tools of politicians 
in Washmgton. General Grant Inmself felt the de- 
morahzation of the system vert’ keenly and desired its 
radical reformation, but was easily imposed upon by 
men whom he trusted, and -trusted men without dis- 
crimination. He had great simplicity of character. 
He judged men shrewdly enough when he saw them 
in action, but had little msight mto their real motives 
and character when associated with them in counsel. 
It seemed to him unnatural, unfaithful, as it had seemed 
to General Jackson, to doubt or distrust his friends, 
— ^not so much because he was a soldier and ready to 
stand by his comrades with stout allegiance as because, 
like most men of simple nature, he deemed others as 
honest as himself, and suspicion a thing for rogues to 

The President had alienated, moreover, certain men 
whose support he could not afford to dispense with. 
He had set his heart upon the annexation of Santo 
Domingo to the United States, and had come to an 
open breach with IMr. Charles Sumner, chairman of 
the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs upon the 
matter. That and many other things, great and small, 
had driven Mr. Horace Greeley also into opposition, 
the erratic, trenchant editor of the New York Tribune. 
Mr. Sumner seemed to a great many men in the coimtry 
to stand for the older, better, more elevated traditions 
of the Republican party, which General Grant seemed 




to be fast drawing to the lower levels of self-aggrandize- 
ment and power. jMr. Greeley wrote editorials every 
day which told like sharp blows upon the conscious- 
ness of all the thousands of plain men the country-sides 
through who looked to the Tribune for guidance as to 
an oracle, ft ivas no light matter to have such men 
set against the administration. 

It was the more embarrassing because there were 
large matters of policy, as well as scattered items of 
mistaken action and vague fears for the civil service, 
upon which an opposition could concentrate. At the 
heart of these was the disfranchisement of the white 
men of the South. It was plain to see that the troubles 
in the southern States arose out of the exclusion of 
the better whites from the electoral suffrage no less 
than from the admission of the most ignorant blacks. 
It was no doubt in part because the South could not 
use its real leaders in open political contest that impa- 
tient men and radicals had been driven to use secret 
combination and all the ugly iveapons of intimidation. 
The processes of reconstruction were made by those 
who managed them to depend as much upon withhold- 
ing the suffrage from all who had participated with 
any touch of leadership in secession as upon the use 
of the negroes as voters and the radical amendment 
of the southern constitutions; and it presently became 
evident that there was a rapidly growdng number of 
thoughtful men in the Republican ranks who thought 
it high time to grant a general amnesty and bring affairs 
to a normal condition again in southern society. Mr. 
Greeley was strongly of that opinion, and it took form 
and bred concert of action rapidly enough to play a 
determining part in the presidential campaign of 1872. 


In 1870 the question had taken very definite form among 
the Republicans of Missouri, and the party had split 
asunder there into a radical and a liberal faction. The 
radicals wished for the present to maintain the dis- 
qualifications imposed by the constitution of the State 
upon those who had identified themselves with secession 



during the war; the liberals demanded “universal 
amnesty and universal enfranchisement,” and won 
in the state elections. The leaders of the successful 
revolt were ]\Ir. Benjamin Gratz Brown and Mr. Carl 
Schurz. Mr. Brown had been politician, editor, soldier, 
senator these twenty years, and with the success of 
his party became governor of the State. Mr. Schurz 
w’as a member of the Senate, a man but just turned 
of forty but bred since a lad to the role of aggressive 
liberal in politics, — an exile from his German home 
because of his participation in the revolutionary move- 
ments of 1849. He was an orator w'hom opponents 
not prepared to join frank issue foimd it prudent to 
avoid in open contest Mr. Lincoln had named him 
minister to Spain in 1861, but he had preferred the field 
and entered the army ; and at the close of the war had 
been sent by the legislature of Missouri to the Senate 
of the United States. 

The “Liberal Republicans” of Missouri, thus led, 
called upon men of like views ever3wvhere to join them, 
and their ranks for a little seemed to fill upon a scale 
which threatened to make them a formidable national 
faction. The form the presidential catt'f'aiou of 1872 
was to take was determined bj' their initiative. In 
Ma}^ 1872, a national convention of their partisans 
came together at Cincinnati, at the call of the Missouri 
leaders, and nominated Mr. Greelej^ for the presidency, 
Mr. Benjamin Gratz Brown for the vice presidency. 
These were nominations which the country foimd it 
hard to take seriousljr Mr. Greeley's irregular genius, 
useful as it was in the trenchant statement of issues 
and the sharp challenge of opinion, was not of the kind 
prudent men were willing to see tried in the conduct 



of the government. He was too much a man of im- 
pulse, without poise or calculable lines of action. Mr. 
Brown the country did not know, except as a picturesque 


Missouri soldier and politician. The names of much 
more statesmanlike men had been proposed in the con- 
vention. but it had acted like a great mass meeting 
rather than like the organ of a party, upon impulse 
and hastily considered pohcy rather than with prudent 
forecast or real knowledge of the true groimds of 



expediency. Its platform exhibited the same charac- 
teristics of half-formed opmion and a hurried com- 
promise of mterests. It condemned the existing ad- 
ministration as corrupt m its use of the patronage and 
absolutely disregardful of constitutional limitations 
in its use of power in the States, and demanded the 
“immediate and absolute removal of all disabilities 
imposed on account of the rebellion,” in the belief that 
imiversal amnesty would “result in complete pacifica- 
tion in all parts of the country”; but its formulations 
of policy were vague and evasive. It was framed to 
please all elements of a mixed opposition, and to make 
as acceptable as possible its closing invitation to “aU 
patriotic citizens, without regard to previous political 
a£&liations,” to join with its framers in purifying the 

The Democratic convention, which met in Baltimore 
early in July, accepted both the platform and the can- 
didates of the Cincinnati convention, though the Demo- 
cratic leaders liked neither. The platform spoke no 

re, Democratic doctrine, except, indeed, in 

its advocacy of the maintenance of the public credit 
by a speedy return to specie payments, and the can- 
didates were men whom no experienced politician could 
hope to see elected. But the spht in the Republican 
ranks evidenced by the Cincinnati convention was 
the only sign anywhere visible to the Democratic leaders 
of a change in public sentiment likely to weaken the 
party in power. Without the coalition they knew' them- 
selves helpless ; %vith it they hoped to make at least a 
show of strength. Such allies nught be worth the 
weak candidates and the inconclusive declaration of 
principles that went with them. The “Liberal R^ 



publicans” had given form to the whole campaign, 
as they had expected. 

The result was what every one who had the least 
sagacity m reading the signs of political weather per- 
ceived from the first it must be. The Democrats added 
but one hundred and thirty thousand to their popular 
vote of four years before, though the number of voters 
in the country had greatly increased and for the first 
time in the history of the government every State chose 
its electors by the direct .=:uffracc of the people. The 
Republicans added six hundred thousand to their vote, 
and General Grant was elected for a second term by 
an overwhelming majority m the electoral college 
(286-63). The congressional elections which accom- 
panied the choice of President gave the Republicans 
again, moreover, their accustomed two-thirds majority 
in both houses. All things stood as before; the opposi- 
tion were yet a long way off from power. Mr. Greeley 
survived the elections but a few weeks. He had not 
seen how hopeless his candidacy was. He was turned 
of sixty and had been broken in health. All his years 
had been full ‘of such keen and unremitting labor as 
robs a man at last of his elasticity. The sudden stroke 
of utter defeat, touched almost with farce, so that men 
laughed to see how complete it was, was more than he 
could bear. On the 29th of November, 1872, before the 
electors had voted, he died. The few votes that would 
have gone to him were given as the electors pleased to 
men who had been his allies in the novel coalition he 
had led. 

And yet, though the coahtion had faded, the Demo- 
crats were nearer their day of success than they dreamed. 
Within two years the Republican majority of nearly 



one hundred in the House of Representatives had been 
supplanted by a Democratic majority almost as large, 
and the men who had led the party of reconstruction 
found their season of mastery gone by. The country 
had begun to see \nth hoiv radical a demoralization 
the war party it had trusted was to be touch- 

ed, and how impotent the amiable soldier they had put 
at the head of the government was to guide or better it. 
General Grant had found that the appointment of men 
to political office upon the recommendation of politicians 
and personal friends, though the friends were his own 
and the politicians men whom the country honored 
and whom he would have deemed it a reproach upon 
himself to distrust, was a very different matter from 
promoting officers tested under his own eye in camp 
and field. The leaders of Congress perceived plainly 
enough the movement of opinion out-of-doors, saw the 
service of the government steadily sinking to a lower 
level of efficiency, knew what influences were at w'ork to 
debase it and what condemnation must come upon them 
should the use made of the patronage come fully to 
light. On the 3d of March, 1871, accordingly, they 
put through Congress an Act which authorized the 
President to frame and administer, through a com- 
mission, such rules as he thought best for the regulation 
of admissions to the civil service. The President ac- 
cepted the Act wnth cordial approval, with an obvious 
sense of relief, indeed; and with complete indifference 
to the distress of the politicians proceeded to establish 
and enforce a system of competitive examinations for 
office. But the politicians were stronger in Congress 
than the President, and after tw’’o years of painful ex- 
clusion from the use of the patronage induced the houses 



to withliold the appropriation necessarj- for the ad- 
ministration of the President’s new sj-stem of appoint- 
ment. They had not yet learned how hard a master 
public opinion was to be in that matter. 

Possibly the mere demoralization of the civil service 
would not by itself have brought upon them the bitter 
discipline of defeat which they presently underwent. 
Other things went along with it which stirred the coim- 
trj^ more deeply; which made Congress itself seem cor- 
rupt and the party which controlled it without a watch- 
ful sense of honor. The year 1869, in which General 
Grant became President, had been marked bj^ the com- 
pletion of both the Central Pacific and the Union Pacific 
railways, the two lines begun in 1863, the one eastward 
from the Pacific, the other westward from the Missouri 
River, which when completed at their pomt of junction 
at last bound East and West together across the long 
plains and the high passes of the Rockies upon which 
so many a slow caravan had lost its way and its precious 
freight of human lives. In 1867 the company which 
had undertaken the construction of the Union Pacific 
had acquired by purchase the charter of a corporation 
organized in Pennsylvania in 1863 upon the model 
of the great French Societe Generate du Credtt Mohiher, 
for the placing of loans, the handling of all marketable 
stocks, and the transaction of a general banking busi- 
ness. The French company had come very near to 
getting into its hands the whole brokerage business 
and mercantile credit of France; the promoters of the 
Union Pacific Railway bought out the Pennsylvania 
company in order to obtain a suitable instrument for 
conducting the financial operations connected with 
their undertaking. Congress had made immense grants 



in aid of the Pacific railway, rtu; its construction 
as of no less importance to the government than to the 
commerce and material development of the country, 
because it would bind the two coasts of the continent 
which had hitherto been almost like separated coun- 
tries together by a great highwav’' along which authority 
and the influences of opinion could travel as well as 
trade. Its subsidies had taken the form of six per cent. 
gold bonds: $16,000 for every mile of rails upon the 
prairies or the coast plains be3*ond the mountains, from 
$32,000 to $48,000 for every mile through the passes 
of the mountains or the difficult countrj’- between range 
and range, — besides twenty-five million acres of public 
land along the line of the road. 

Here was a perilously close connection between a 
great financial undertaking and legislation by Congress ; 
and in the presidential campaign of 1872 it was openly 
charged by the Democrats that Mr. Colfax, the Vice 
President, Mr. Henry Wilson, the Vice President elect, 
the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and a 
number of senators and representatives had accepted 
gifts of Credit Mobilier stock in consideration of legisla- 
tive and other sendees to be rendered the company, 
Both houses appointed committees of ’■ 

The revelations which ensued filled the country with 
uneasiness and disgust. Against the more prominent 
officials accused no proof of conscious wrongdoing was 
found. Only two members of the House and a single 
member of the Senate were foimd to have deliberately 
engaged in transactions which touched their integrity 
and honor. But many a detail came to light which 
showed that members carried very easy-going con- 
sciences in such matters, accepted favors without look- 



ing too curiovisly into their motive or significance, 
thought more often of their personal interests than of 
the public honor, and felt very slightly the responsibility 


of their posts of trust. ‘ It was open to any one who 
chose to believe that less had been told than had been 
covered up ; that, with but a little more probing, it might 
have been possible to unearth many an unsavory in- 

YOL. V — S 


trigue. The discredit of the ruling party in the houses 
was steadily deepening. 

The painful impressions left by the investigation were 
hcuilitered by the deliberate action of the houses during 
the very session which saw it instituted and concluded. 
They did not scruple to pass an Act which increased the 
compensation of senators and representatives and which 
was made to apply retroactively to the sessions of the 
past two years, — an Act which the country very bluntly 
dubbed a “salary grab” and deemed quite in keeping 
with the reputation of a Congress which had censured 
but did not expel the members whom its own investiga- 
tion had shown to be guilh" of corrupt connection with 
the Credit Mobiher. 

Other impressions, well or ill founded, supervened 
which confirmed the country in its distrust of the men 
who were in control of affairs. In September, 1873, 
financial panic once more came upon the country with 
a rush, amidst abundant trade, amidst every sign of 
prosperitj'", when wages were good, employment readily 
found, factories busy, prices normal, money easy. 
Railways had been built too fast in the West. Within 
five years no less than $1,700,000,000 had been spent 
in railway construction. A Northern Pacific Railway 
was in course of construction, to be pushed forward 
through a new section of the country; and not a new 
Pacific railway only but shorter lines also by the score 
in regions where as yet there were no people, in order 
that parts of the country otherwise inaccessible might 
be opened up to quick settlement and profitable use. 
Such roads could not reasonably look to make a profit 
for twenty years to come. They wnre built with bor- 
rowed money. Their bonds filled every market, at 



home and abroad. Some new roads there were which 
were only extensions of older lines of established earn- 
ing capacity, but the older portions could not earn 
enough to pay for the new. Certain as the prospects of 
profit were, when the country should grow and settlers 
come to dot the lines of rail with towns, flank them with 
farms, and put factories at every point of vantage, 
their construction was for the present purely speculative, 
and the processes of growth upon which the3" depended 
to keep them from bankruptcy could not be sufficiently 
hurried to save their credit. Early in September, 1873, 
the break began to come. One by one banking and 
brokerage firms in New York which had advanced 
money to western and Canadian railways began to 
announce their inability to meet their obligations. On 
the morning of the l8th Mr. Jay Cooke, the agent 
of the federal government, with $4,000,000 of depos- 
its from all parts of the country and $15,000,000 of 
the paper of the Northern Pacific company, declared 
himself unable to meet his debts, and the "Street” 
knew that the end had come. Firm after firm, com- 
pany after company, went to the wall, some of them 
reputed the strongest in the country^, and a long, slow 
winter of panic ensued whose effects the business of 
the country was to feel for jmars to come. 

Men who did not know how to reason upon such 
matters or how to distinguish the real forces that gov- 
erned the credit of the country were inclined to attrib- 
ute this sudden sweep of calamity across a money 
market apparently prosperous and at peace to the 
financial legislation of Congress. On the 12th of Feb- 
ruary, 1873, an Act had become law which, it was 
said, had “demonetized” silver and upset values. The 


Act had dropped from the list of authorized coins the 
silver dollar of 412^^ grains, which had hitherto been the 
standard silver dollar of the coinage, and had authorized, 


in partial substitution, a “trade dollar” of 420 grains. 
No silver dollars of 412J4 grains had been coined since 
1808 ; since 1853 there had been no silver dollars in circu- 
lation ; the Act simply made what was fact also law, ahd 



had passed without objection. But when the financial 
crisis of the autumn of 1873 came many persons re- 
called the "demonetization” of silver effected at the 
openmg of the year, and made shrewd theories about 
the causes of a panic whose explanation was obvious 
and upon its face. The Republicans in Congress had 
had the ill fortune to alter the law of the currency upon 
the verj^ eve of a financial disturbance, and those who 
did not like their conduct of the government and suspect- 
ed them of more corruption than had been proved were 
at liberty to add this to the list of things they had done 
amiss, to the damage of the coimtry. The congres- 
sional elections of the autumn of 1874 went heavilj’- 
against them ; the House was lost to the Democrats ; then- 
majority in the Senate was retamed only because the 
Senate was guarded by its constitution against sudden 
change. The impressions of that autumn and the 
events of the next year lost them also the local elec- 
tions in many ,.of the northern States which had so far 
seemed their safe strongholds. Even Massachusetts 
chose a Democratic governor. 

The country could not overlook the evidences of 
demoralization at Washington. In 1875 it was dis- 
covered that there was concerted action in the West 
between distillers and federal officials to defraud the 
government of large amounts in respect of the internal 
revenue tax on distilled spirits, a “whiskey ring,” as 
the newspapers called it, which did not hesitate to use 
a portion of its fraudulent profits to make good its oppor- 
tunity and its immunity by political corruption. Mr. 
Belknap, the Secretary of War, was accused of accept- 
ing bribes in dispensing the patronage of his Depart- 
ment, and, upon impeachment on that charge, resigned 



his office as if in confession, to escape punishment. 
Venality and fraud began on all hands to be suspected, 
even where thej^ did not exist, and mere inefficiency 
began to irritate the country’ as if it were but a part of 



the general decadence of official honor. The President 
himself saw how ill, how discreditably, and with how 
incorrigible a tendency towards serious and even criminal 
misconduct, the administrative branches of the public 
seriuce operated under his hand, and with the simplic- 
ity and frankness which were characteristic of him,— - 



the simplicity and frankness which unscrupulous poli- 
ticians played upon to betray him, — acknowledged 
his failure and longed for release from duties in the 
performance of which he knew that he had blundered. 
His eight years of power had cost his party its predom- 

It was not the condition of the civil service alone, 
however, or the mere alarm of the countrjT- at the too 
frequent disclosures of malfeasance in of&ce which 
brought the ascendency of the Republicans to an end. 
Congress did its part to make it plain that nothing but 
blunders were to be expected from the pohtical legisla- 
tion of the men who had devised and forced to their 
execution the measures of reconstruction. On Christ- 
mas day, 1868, President Johnson had proclaimed full 
pardon and amnesty for all who had participated in 
secession, without reserve or exception, and by an Act 
of the 2d of May, 1872, Congress had removed the political 
disabilities imposed by the third section of the Four- 
teenth Amendment from all who had served the Con- 
federate States, except only those who had left the 
Congress of the United States or the judicial, military, 
or naval service of the federal government, the head- 
ship of an executive Department or the post of minister 
at a foreign court to take part with the seceding States. 
But, though they thus cleared away the more abnormal 
obstructions to the return of settled peace and a natural 
order of life at the South, the congressional leaders 
could not keep their hands from the race question. Mr. 
Sumner, in particular, was insistent that the negroes 
should be given imperative federal law for their support 
in the assertion of their social no less than of their polit- 
ical rights; and in February, 1875, at last had his way, 

V.-7 97 


though he did not live to see it. A bill passed which 
gave the federal courts the authoriA, bj” appropriate 
process and penalty, to enforce the right of negroes to 
accommodation in public inns, theatres, radwaj’ car- 
riages, and schools, and to service upon all juries, upon 
the same footing as white persons. The Act became 
law on the ist of March, three days before the expiration 
of the term of the last House of Representatives the 
Republicans were effectual^ to control for fifteen years. 
It was the older leaders' last Act for creating friction 
at the South. For eight j’ears it was to fad utterty of 
accomphshu''g its object and yet to work its work of 
irritation, to be set aside at last by the Supreme Court 
(1883) as an invasion of the legal field of the States 
wliich no portion of the constitution, new or old, could 
be made to sustain. 

The reconstruction of the southern States had been 
the undoing of the Republican partj". The course of 
carpet bag rule did not run smooth. Every election 
fixed the attention of the countrv’' upon some serious 
question of fraud or \fiolence in the States where northern 
adventurers and negro majorities were in control. Con- 
gress could not remove the political disabilities of the 
southern white men without increasing their power 
at the polls and cutting at the foundations of Republican 
rule in the South; and yet, though the white voters 
were disfranchised, in at least three of the southern 
States Republican rule was maintained only by direct 
aid from Washington, — and sometimes at the point of 
the bayonet. General Grant had grown infinitely im- 
patient that there should come everj^ year, from State 
after State, calls for troops to keep the Republican 
governments at the South in their place of power. “ The 



whole public are tired out with these airnual autumnal 
outbreaks in the South,” he said, in refusing troops to 
the governor of Mississippi, “and the great majority 
are ready now to condemn any mterference on the part 
of the government. I heartily wish that peace and 
good order may be restored without issuing the proclama- 
tion. But, if it IS issued, I shall instruct the commanders 
of the forces to have no child’s play,” Here was the 
right feeling of the man and the grim firmness of the 
soldier. He was not mistaken as to the feeling of the 
country; and though he withheld his hand where he 
could, there was military interference enough to ex- 
asperate that opinion to the utmost. Before his term 
was out the white voters of the South had rallied strong 
enough in eveiy’^ State except South Carolina, Florida, 
and Louisiana to take their governments out of the 
hands of the men who were preying upon them. That 
they had done it by methods which only an almost 
revolutionary state of society justified no one doubted : 
by keeping the negroes away from the polls by every 
form of intimidation, by forceable interference with 
their rights when necessary, by every expedient, whether 
of law or of subtile management, that promised them 
mastery; but they had triumphed, and there was at 
least an end of chronic revolution. 

But in Louisiana, in Florida, and in South Carolina, 
though desperately beset, the Republicans had, by 
desperate means, kept their hold upon the governments 
they had made. The troops of the United States were 
first used to adjust the contest in Louisiana. The 
revised constitution of Louisiana, revised in the in- 
terest of the congressional plan of reconstruction, pro- 
vided, as most of the new southern constitutions did, 



for the detennination of the results of all elections by a 
returning board so constituted as to be always under 
the control of the existing administration of the State. 
That board had the right to reject, without judicial 
process and upon its own mere opinion, the votes of all 
counties or precincts where force or fraud had been em- 
ployed ; and it used that power to check the rising Demo- 
cratic vote wherever it seriously threatened the suprema- 
cy of those in authority. Its surveillance went smoothl3’' 
enough so long as the Republicans were themselves 
united; but the Republicans of Louisiana had fallen 
apart into factions, vacancies upon the returning 
board had been made and filled bj’ removals and ap- 
pointments, amidst disputes and contests of legal right, 
until there were at last two boards instead of one, and 
before the matter was quieted three, each of which claim- 
ed to be the legal returning board of the State. The 
result of the election of the autumn of 1872 turned upon 
their rival claims. Over one the Democrats had got 
control bj" coalition with the “liberal” wing of the Re- 
publicans; another declared the Republican state of- 
ficers and the Repubhcan candidates for the state legis- 
lature elected, and federal aid was asked to carry its 
judgment into effect. A committee of Congress, sent 
down to investigate the matter, fomid it impossible to 
disentangle the hopeless quarrel; Congress failed to 
pass the onlj?" measure of relief its leaders were able 
to think of, a bill providing for a new election ; and the 
President recognized and installed the Republican 

It was not an affair which either party could look 
back upon wdth complacencj’-, but the Republicans took 
the greater discredit from it, and the country grew very 



restive. A committee of the Senate reported that the 
district judge of the United States for the District of 
Louisiana had undoubtedly gone far beyond the scope 
of his power and acted in “flagrant disregard of his 


duty"' in his use of writs of injunction issued in 
aid of the faction which the President sustained. 
Some unsavory intrigue had been imcovered at almost 
every step of the investigation. Moreover^ the action 
of the President was no settlement of the difficulty. 


It left the State in a heightened temper of revolution. 
Riots accompanied the efforts of the questionable gov- 
eminent he set up to enforce its authority. In Septem- 
ber, 1874, the partisans of Mr. jMcEner}”, the leader of 
the combined Democrats and “liberal” Republicans, 
rose in arms, put every officer of his opponent’s ad- 
ministration from his place, and assumed control of 
the government. Again federal troops intervened, and 
the ousted officers were reinstated. Nice compromises, 
difficult to maintain and satisfactory to nobodjy had 
to be devised to keep the peace until there should be 
another trial of strength in the election of a governor 
at the polls. 

The summer of 1876 was darkened by a tragic war 
with the Indians of the far West. In 1874 gold had 
been discovered in the Black Hills which laj^ upon the 
border line of Wyommg and Dakota, and the rush of 
settlers and miners thither had exasperated the Sioux 
tribes to take the war path. Their chief was Sitting 
Bull, whom the troops of the United States were to find 
an opponent to put them on their mettle. Gathering 
his forces within the secluded valley of the Little Big 
Horn by the upper waters of the Yellowstone, where 
he could best mask his strength, he struck first at one 
and then at another of the three small bodies of soldiers 
sent to converge upon him. One he forced back; an- 
other he effectually checked ; part of the third he trapped 
and utterly destroyed. General Terry, coming against 
him from Bismarck, sent General Custer forward with 
the seventh cavalry to go round about and attack him 
at the rear; and on the 25th of June, riding with five 
companies hard upon the camp, Custer rode into a death 
trap. The Indians swarmed around him in numbers 



which utterly overwhelmed and completely cut him off 
from retreat, and not a man came awa}’ to tell the tale. 
The other seven companies of the regiment were not 
at hand to fight with them or to give them succor, and 
found themselves obliged, when at last they came up, 


to fortify a bluff near at hand as a place of safety and 
retreat until they should themselves be succored and 
relieved. The forces of the government gathered at 
last to complete the work so iU begun, and the Indians 
retired to the mountains; but it took much painful fight- 
ing, andmany toilsome marches, prosecuted through 


all the long autumn and the winter itself, to bring them 
to terms ; and Sitting Bull slipped through their hands 
across the northern border at last. 

Meanwhile the presidential election of 1876 had come 
and the fuU harvest of the mischief done in the recon- 
struction of the South was being reaped. The Demo- 
crats nominated hlr. Samuel J. Tilden, a man who had 
shown his quaht3^ as governor of the State of New York 
and won the respect of all men, alike for 

his integrity and for his ability. The Republicans 
nominated Mr. Rutherford B. Haj'es, who had won his 
place in the public confidence as an officer of volunteers 
in the war for the Union, as a member of the House of 
Representatives, and as governor of Ohio, Both men 
stood removed from the passionate contests of the pe- 
riod of reconstruction. Their candidacy put the em- 
phasis of party contest as much as might be upon the 
issues of the new day rather than of the old. But the 
immediate past was a weight upon the fortimes of 
the Republicans ; the country had turned with evident 
distrust from the work of confusion they had wrought. 
Again, as in 1874, Democratic majorities seemed to 
sweep the country. Only the confusion the Republicans 
themselves had brought about saved them from utter 
defeat. State elections had been held, as usual, in 
most of the States at the same time that presidential 
electors were chosen, and once again the result of the 
elections in Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina 
was in dispute. The electoral votes of all of these States 
were necessary for the election of Mr. Hayes. Mr. 
Tilden had carried Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, 
Delaware, IMaryland, Indiana, and Missouri, as well 
as the ten southern States whose votes were not in dis- 



pute; one himdred and eighty-four electoral votes were 
secured for Ihm bej’ond a doubt, and one hundred and 
eighty-five constituted a majority. A single additional 
electoral vote would bring him into the presidency, 
and it seemed possible that at least one might be added 
to liis reckoning by Oregon. There three Republican 
electors had undoubted!}’- been chosen, but one of them 
was thought to have been ineligible under the law, and 
the Democratic governor had appointed in his stead 
the next candidate on the poll, a Democrat, and given 
him his certificate. 

In the South nineteen electoral votes were in dispute. 
In Louisiana there had, apparently, been a clear majority 
of Democratic votes cast at the polls, alike for presidential 
electors and for governor and state legislators ; but once 
again the returnmg board, v-hich was in the hands 
of Republicans, had turned a Democratic into a Re- 
publican majority bj’ rejecting the votes of precincts 
in which it declared fraud or intimidation to have been 
used. Certificates had been given to the Republican 
presidential electors, accordingly, and again a Re- 
publican state government had been set up by force of 
authority. But again the Democrats had refused to 
yield. They had set up, on their own part, a Democratic 
administration, and Mr. Nicholls, whom they claimed 
to have elected governor, gave certificates to the Demo- 
cratic electors. In Florida the vote had been very close 
indeed, and turned upon the votes of a single county. 
The returning hoard of the State had but a single 
Democratic member, the Attorney General, and the 
majority of the board had given the vote of the State 
to the Republicans. The Attorney General had issued 
certificates over his own signatxue to the Democratic 

io6 - 


electors. In South Carolina federal troops had in many 
places guarded the polls, and federal troops had assisted 
the Republican leaders of the State to put the governor 
and state legislators whom they claimed to have elected 
into of&ce; but the Democrats claimed that their can- 
didates had in fact been chosen, notwithstanding the 
obstructions to free voting created by the presence of 
troops and the interference of federal supervisors act- 
ing under the “Force Bills” of 1870 and 1871; 
rated their own governor. General Wade Hampton, a 
distinguished cavalrj" commander of the Confederacy; 
and set up their own legislature. General Hampton 
issued certificates of election to the Democratic presi- 
dential electors. 

All the country saw, with an instant thrill of mis- 
giving, how perilous a situation was thus created. 
Here were double returns from three States hi a presi- 
dential election, and the decision which should be chosen 
must determine the election. One vote out of the twenty 
in dispute, though it were only the single questionable 
vote of Oregon, would give the presidency to the Demo- 
crats. The control of the government turned upon 
the action of the houses when they should come to count 
the votes in joint session. The House of Representa- 
tives was Democratic, the Senate Republican; there 
was no hope that they could agree. No one could con- 
fidently say, though he put partisanship aside and 
held his judgment at the nicest poise, upon which side 
the right lay in the disputed southern elections. It 
was plain enough that in any case the returning boards 
would have given the vote to the Republicans, what- 
ever the face of the returns, so long as the men for whom 
they acted felt that they could count upon the support 



of the Executive at Washington in the maintenance of 
their authority. It was equally clear, on the other 
hand, that there were all but indisputable evidences 


of fraud or at the least irregularity in the votes upon 
which the Democrats relied. In South Carolina serious 
riots had occurred whose avowed object had been the 
intimidation of the negroes. The country had grown 



very impatient, as General Grant said, of seeing govern- 
ments maintained at the South by federal arms, and 
wished very heartily to see the hand of the federal Exec- 
utive withdrawn, come what come might; and yet it 
was not as clear as could be wished that this was the 
occasion for their overthrow. 

What the country had really to fear was, not the 
difficulty of the problem as a question of justice, but 
the passion of parties, the danger that those who stood 
at the front of party counsels would seek the success 
of their party by some intrigue, even by some stroke 
of violence. F oreseeing a certain deadlock of the houses 
when it should come to a countmg of the votes, there was 
talk among the more headlong and reckless partisans 
of each side of taking the law into their own hands. 
There were signs almost of civil war in the air for a 
few troubled weeks of that anxious autumn. 

But it was never really likely it would come to that. 
Men trained in the temper of American institutions 
had never thought to settle a constitutional difficulty 
after that fashion. Congress listened very willingly 
to counsels of compromise and moderation. It was 
agreed that an electoral commission should be con- 
stituted, which should consist of five members of the 
House, three Democrats and two Republicans, five 
members of the Senate, three Republicans and two 
Democrats, two Democrats and two Republicans from 
the supreme bench of the United States, and an ad- 
ditional Justice from the same court selected by the 
four Justices named in the bill ; and that to that com- 
mission should be referred every question in dispute. 
Such a commission was undoubtedly an extra-con- 
stitutional body, and its decisions disappointed the 



country of any display of judicial impartiality it may 
have hoped for from it. Mr. Justice Bradie\-, who was 
chosen by his fellow Justices of the commission to be 
the fifteenth member of the tribunal, voted in every 
instance in favor of the Republican claims, as did every 


other member of the commission, whether judge, senator, 
or representative, whose affiliations were with the Re- 
publican party. Every Democrat of the commission 
voted in favor of the claims of the Democratic managers. 
Every question submitted v/as settled by a vote of eight 
to seven. But there was at least a settlement, which 
no one dreamed of disputing or attempting to annul. 



General Grant gave v:ay to J\Ir. Ha3"es, and the govern- 
ment remained in the hands of the Republicans. 

To hlr. Hav’es the tacit obligations of the situation 
were plain. He withdrew the federal troops from the 
South. The Republican governments of Louisiana 
and South Carolma were dissolved, and the Democratic 
governments which had claimed the election quietlj^ 
took their place. The supreme court of Florida obliged 
the returning board of the State to accept the returns 
which had come to them from the disputed county, and 
a Democratic government came there also into power. 
The era of reconstruction was at an end. 

The quiet figure of the retirmg President began to 
seem almost at once like a figure lingering out of an 
age gone The honest, simple-hearted soldier had 
not added prestige to the presidential office. He him- 
self knew that he had failed, that the administrative 
scandals, the stain of corruption, of intrigue, of mal- 
versation, the appearance as if of a group of personal 
allies bent upon their own aggrandizement rather than 
of a bodj’ of public seiv-ants devoted to the honest conduct 
of the nation’s business, which had marked his manage- 
ment of the executive office must always stand as proof 
that he ought never to have been made President. But 
the corruption had not touched him. He was unstained. 
Everv^ one who thought justty of the matter attributed 
his failure rather to his v’^erv" honesty and -i’ 
of nature than to any fault of will. His trustfulness 
had betraj’^ed him ; his desire to be faithful to his friends 
had led him to shield knaves. He had thought other 
men as honest, as straightforward as himself. He 
had come to a great office untrained in affairs. Men’s 
eyes follow’ed his retreating figure with respect, with 



veneration, with deep affection, and forgot that he had 
been duped by politicians; remembered only that he 
had been the successful leader of the armies of the re- 

Authonties Ail the larger and more s^^stematic histories of 
the counti-y stop short of times so recent as those covered by this 
chapter. Neither is it any longer feasible to distinguish general 
authorities from contemporary accounts All accounts of a time 
so recent are contemporary. tVe have for general guidance Judson 
S. Landon's Const iMional History and Government of the United 
States, Alexander Johnston's American Politics, the same au- 
thor's admirable articles on the several topics here treated of, such 
as Reconstruction, the Ku Klin, Credit Mohiher, etc., in Lalor's 
Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy, and United 
States History, John Clark Ridpath's popular History of the United 
States, John W. Burgess's Reconstruction and the Constitution, 
Edward Chanmng's Student's History of the United States, Edward 
Stanwood's History of the Presidency, Appleton's Annual Cyclo- 
paedia, Edward McPherson's Handbook of Politics, issued in 
biennial volumes^ except in 1870, from 1868 to 1894, Scribner’s 
Statistical Atlas of the United States, to 1880, William A. Dun- 
ning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, G, AW 
AAhlhams's History of the Negro Race in America, AT H. Barnes's 
History of the Thirty-ninth Congress, Albert Bushnell Hart's 
Foundations of American Foreign Policy, and many valuable 
articles scattered tlirough the volumes of the Atlantic Monthly 
(especially a series on Reconstruction which appeared in 1901), 
the North American Review, The Forum, The Nation, and the 
Political Science Quarterly. 

Among the more important memoirs are James G. Blaine's 
Twenty Years of Congress, S. S. Cox's Three Decades of Federal 
Legislation, to 1885, Hugh McCulloch's Men and Measures 
of Half a Century, John Sherman's Recollections of Forty Years 
in the House, Senate, and Cabinet, Dabney Herndon Maury's 
Recollections of a Virginian, Bishop R. H. AVilmer's Recent Past 
from a Southern Standpoint, Reuben Davis's Recollections of 
Mississippi and Mississippians, and G. W. Juhan's Political 

Adam Badeau's Grant in Peace, A. R. Conkling's Life and 
Letters of Roscoe Conhlmg, John Bigelow's Life of Samuel J. 
Tilden, Albert Bushnell Hart's Salmon P. Chase in the American 



Statesmen Series, and Moorfield Storey's Charles Sumner, in the 
same Series, cover parts of the period from the point of view of 
the several men of whom they treat. 

]VIr. Hilary A Herbert's Why the Solid South ? and j\Ir. William 
Garrott Brown's The Loiter Smith in American History throw a 
great deal of light upon the time in regard to the affairs and the 
sentiment of the South, Air J. LawTence Laughhn's History of 
Bimetallism in the United States and Professor F W. Taussig's 
Silver Situation m the United States and Tariff History of the 
United States, and Air. A S. Bolles's Financial History of the 
United States, furnish excellent summaries of financial and fiscal 
conditions. Air. Carroll D. Wright's Industrial Evolution of the 
United States sketches the development of industry and invention, 
and A'lr. David A Wells's Recent Economic Changes the altered 
economic conditions , Air. Lauros G. AlcConachie's Congressional 
Committees and Ahss AI. P. Follett's The Speaker of the House 
of Representatives discuss the transformations of Congress and 
its relations to pubhc business; and Air. Henr^" Jones Ford's Rise 
and Groicth of American Politics affords one of the best phil- 
osophical analyses of the general history of parties, party orgamza- 
tion, and partj'^ control, anywhere to be found. 

The sources are in the Journals of Congress, the Congressional 
Record, the House and Senate Documents, the Messages and Papers 
of the Presidents, and the periodical press of the time. 



With the coming in of Mr. Hayes the whole air of 
politics seemed to change. Democratic critics of the 
administration were inclined to dwell with a good deal 
of acidity upon the flagrant inconsistency of the Presi- 
dent’s course in first using the questionable govern- 
ments of Louisiana and South Carolina to get his office 
and then forthwith repudiating them and h'^inc’i'g 
about their immediate downfall by withdrawing the fed- 
eral troops upon whose presence and support they re- 
lied for their existence; and his friends could urge only 
that the constitution provides that presidential electors 
shall be “appointed” by each State “in such manner 
as the legislature thereof may direct,” and that it might 
with perfect consistency be argued that the legislatures 
of the southern States could commit to their returning 
boards the right to choose presidential electors while at 
the same time maintaining that those boards ought not 
to be sustained in the virtual selection of state governors 
and legislatures as well. But, in any case, whether con- 
sistent or inconsistent, the President’s action had brought 
grateful peace. Almost at once affairs wore a normal 
aspect again. The process of reconstruction, at least, 
had reached its unedifying end, and the hands of political 
leaders were free to take up the history of the country 



where it had been broken off in i86i. Instead of the 
quick, resistless despatch of party measures from session 
to session by congressional majorities which even the 
President's veto could not check or defeat, there had 
come a breathing space m which no party was supreme 
and the slow and moderate ways of compromise and 
acconmiodation were once again vouchsafed the country, 
at last quite out of breath with the pace to which it had 
been forced in its affairs. Not for fourteen years, from 
the elections of 1875 to those of 1889, were either Demo- 
crats or Republicans to control both Congress and the 
Executive. There was leisure from passion ; men 
could look about them deliberately and without excite- 
ment and note how the countrv’’ had changed. 

It was no longer the country of 1861. Sixteen years, 
mixed of war which forced industry to a quick, almost 
abnormal development and of peace that came like a 
release of energies cramped, pent up, uneasy, had 
brought something like an industrial revolution with 
them. The South was of a sudden added as a modern 
economic force to the nation. Her old system of labor, 
w'hich had shut her in to a virtual isolation, was de- 
stroyed; she was open at last to the labor of the world 
and was to enter with all her resources the industrial 
life from which she had so long held off. The great 
Appalachian region which stretched its mighty high- 
lands from Pennsylvania through Maryland, the Vir- 
ginias, Kentucky, Tennessee, and the Carolinas full 
seven hundred miles into Alabama and Georgia, and 
which spread its broad surfaces of mountain, valley, 
and plateau one hundred and fifty miles by the way 
upon either hand, g-cologists knew to be an almost tm- 
broken coal field, it might be thirty-nine thousand square 



miles in area. Upon its skirts and in the broken coun- 
try to the east and \vest of it iron also abounded, and 
mineral deposits which no man had looked into. The 
world still needed the southern cotton and tobacco, and 
before the first crude processes of reconstruction were 
over the cotton fields were once more producing almost 
as much as thej" had yielded in i860, the year of greatest 
abundance ere the war came on, — so readily had free 
labor taken the place of slave. The industrial develop- 
ment of the South had been joined to that of the rest 
of the coiuitry, and for the first time since the modern 
industrial age set in capitalists turned to her for in- 
vestment and the enterprises that bring wealth and 

And what was for the South as yet but an exciting 
prospect and confident hope was for the North already 
a realitj". The war had been a supreme test of economic 
vitality, and the States of the North and West had 
emerged from it stronger than thej^ went into it. Al- 
most every industrj^ that yielded the necessaries of 
modem life and action had felt and responded to its 
quickening compulsion; and when peace came manu- 
facturers but looked about them for wider markets, 
better and cheaper processes, a broader scope of opera- 
tion. Artificial stimulation in the shape of heavy 
tariff duties had been added to the natural stimulation 
of the time and of the rapid and healthy growdh of the 
nation. Congress had taxed almost every article of 
use in the country to support the war, and had added 
to the innmnerable direct taxes which it imposed an 
enormously expanded system of duties on imports. 
It had done so in part to offset the direct taxes, to enable 
the manufacturers, who had to pay large sums to the 




government on the articles they made, to keep the market 
nevertheless against the importers; but it had made 
the duties much higher than that consideration taken 
alone made necessar\^. It had raised them to a point 
that made profit, very great profit, certain to accrue 
to the manufacturer. No considerable body of manu- 
facturers asked for such “ protection ’’ that did not get 
it, and as much of it as they asked for, though it reduced 
the revenues of the government to grant it. Hardly 
a month went by while the war lasted that Congress 
did not add a new duH or increase an old one, and everj’ 
industr}’ was nursed to make the most of itself in the 
home markets, mitil its undisputed monopoly there as 
against foreign manufactures gave it wide margins 
of profit of wliich to avail itself in ■ 'h -i”'' ..■ com- 
petitors in the markets of the world. 

The countrv^ got visible proof of its extraordinary 
material progress at its Centennial Exhibition in Phila- 
delphia. The last j^ear of General Grant’s presidency 
was the centennial year of the independence of the 
Umted States, and the anniversary was celebrated by 
a great international industrial exposition at the city 
of Philadelphia, where the Congress had sat which took 
counsel for the young republic at its birth. All the 
greater commercial and industrial nations were rep- 
resented in its exhibits. Foreign governments respond- 
ed very promptly to the invitation to lend their aid in 
securing its success, among the rest the government 
of Great Britain, whose defeat in arms the great fair 
was meant to celebrate. The presence of her official 
commissioners made it a festival of reconciliation. 
America’s own bitter war of civil revolution also was 
over, and a time of healing at hand. The thronging 



crowds at Philadelphia, the gay and spacious buildings, 
the peaceable power of the world’s workmen exhibited 
upon every hand spoke of good will and the brother- 
hood of nations, where there was no rivalry but the 
rivalry to serve and to enrich mankind. 

It was significant for America that objects of beauty 
marked everywhere among those exhibits the refine- 
ment and the ennobling art of the world. Throughout 
all the long hundred j^ears in which they had been 
building a nation Americans had shown themselves 
children of utility, not of art. Beauty they had neglect- 
ed. Everything they used showed only the plain, 
unstudied lines of practical serviceability. Grace was 
not in their thought, but efficiency. The very houses 
they built, whether for homes or for use in their busi- 
ness, showed how little thought they gave to the satis- 
faction of the eye. Their homes were for the most 
part of wood and the perishable material hardly justi- 
fied costly ornament or elaborate design; and yet the 
men of the colonial time, keeping still some of the taste 
of an older world, had given even their simple frame 
dwellings a certain grace and dignity of line, and here 
and there a detail, about some doorway or the columns 
of a stately porch, which rewarded the eye. Builders 
of the later time had forgotten the elder canons of taste 
and built wdthout artistic perception of form even when 
they built elaborately and at great cost. The same 
plainness, the same hard lines of mere serviceability 
were to be seen in almost everything the coimtry made. 
The things to be seen at Philadelphia, gathered from 
all the world, awakened it to a new sense of form and 
beauty. Foreign governments had generously sent 
priceless wwks of painting and sculpture over sea to 



give distinction to the galleries of the Exhibition. 
Private citizens and local museums also had freely- 
loaned their chief art treasures. Everj^where there 
was some touch of beauty, some suggested grace of 
form. Visitors poured by the million across the grounds 
and through the buildings of the Exhibition, out of 
every State and region of the coimtry, and the impres- 
sions they received were never wholly obliterated. Men 
and women of all sorts, common and gentle alike, had 
from that day a keener sense of what was fitted to please 
the eye. The pride of life and of great success that 
came with the vision of national wealth and boundless 
resources to be got from the countless exhibits of farm 
and factory had in it also some touch of corrected taste, 
some impulse of suitable adornment. Men knew after- 
wards that that had been the davm of an artistic 
renaissance in America which was to put her archi- 
tects and artists alongside the modern masters of 
beauty and redeem the life of her people from its ugly 

That great fair might also sen^e to mark the shifting 
stress of the nation’s life. Its emphasis was henceforth, 
for at least a generation, to rest on economic, not upon 
pohtical or constitutional, questions. The changing 
character of public affairs had been indicated as early 
as the presidential campaign of 1872. That campaign 
had witnessed not only the emergence of the “Liberal 
Republican” party, made up upon the questions of 
political amnesty and a thorough reform of the civil 
service of the government, but also the creation of a 
“Labor Reform” party whose programme said little 
or nothing of the ordinary political issues of the day 
and spoke mainly of the relations of capital and labor, 



of the legal limitation of the hours of daily work, of the 
need of a currency which should render the people less 
subject to the power of the banks, of the control of the 
railways and the telegraph lines by the federal govern- 
ment, of the disposal of the public lands. The con- 
vention of the new party had been made up chiefly 
of trades union bosses and political free lances, but it 
had brought delegates together out of seventeen States 


and was an unmistakable sign of the times. The work- 
ingmen of the country were about to bestir themselves 
to make their power felt in the choices of government 
and law. In 1876 an “Independent National'” party 
came upon the field, to make the issue of legal tender 
notes by the government, in place alike of gold and 
of silver, the chief point of its protest against the pro- 
grammes of the two regular parties. To the country 
it was known as the “Greenback” party. The notes 


which it demanded should be issued were to be prac- 
tically irredeemable, being convertible, not into gold 
or silver, but "into United States obhgations merely.” 
It was practically repeating the demand of the Labor 
Reform party of four j^ears before for " a purely national 
circulating medium, based on the faith and resources 
of the nation, and issued directly to the people with- 
out the intervention of any system of banking corpora- 
tions,” in order that there might be established “a just 
standard of the distribution of capital and labor.” 

On all hands there w'as manifest a g • < i > . i ■ g uneasiness 
because of the apparent rise of monopohes and the 
concentration of capital in the hands of comparatively 
small groups of men who seemed to be in a position to 
control at their pleasure the productive industries of 
the country; because of the powder of the railways to 
determine by di'crbii-ari'g rates what sections of 
the country, what industries, what sorts of products 
and of manufactures should be accorded the easiest 
access to the markets; because of the increase in the 
cost of the necessary tools of industry and of all manu- 
factured goods through the operation of the tariff, — 
the inequitable clogs which seemed to many to be put 
by the law itself upon the free and wholesome rivalries 
^of commerce and production. The farmers of the West 
and South, no less than the workingmen of the industrial 
East, had begun, close upon the heels of the war, to 
organize themselves for the protection and advance- 
ment of their own special interests, to which the pro- 
grammes of the political parties paid little heed. Be- 
tween 1872 and 1875 the local “ granges ” of a secret order 
known as the Patrons of Industry had multiplied in a 
very significant manner, imtil their membership rose 




to quite a million and a half and was spread over almost 
the entire Union. It was the purpose of the order to 
promote by everj* proper means the interests of the 
farmers of the countrj^, though it was no part of its 
plan to agitate questions of politics, put candidates for 
office into the field at elections, or use its gathering 
power to determine the fate of parties. Politicians, 
nevertheless, fomid means to use it, — felt obliged to use 
it because they feared to let it act for itself. Its dis- 
cussions turned often on questions of transportation, 
upon the railways and their power to make or ruin; 
it was but a short step in such a field from an associa- 
tion for mutual protection and advice to a political party 
organized for the control of legislation. 

“Grangers” were not alwa3’s to be held off, there- 
fore, by their prudent leaders from using their numbers 
and their read3’ concert of action to further or defeat 
the ambitions of particular groups of politicians; and 
even while their granges grew other organizations of 
farmers came into existence whose aims were frankly 
and openly political. About the time of Mr. Hayes's 
accession to the presidency independent associations 
began to make their appearance in the South and in 
the West, imder the name of the “Farmers' Alliance,” 
whose common object it was to oppose rii>’.o;)olv and 
the power of mone3^ in public affairs in the interest of 
those who had neither the use of capital nor the pro- 
tection of tariffs. The first “Alliance” made its ap- 
pearance in Texas, to prevent the wholesale purchase 
of the public lands of the State b3’' private individuals. 
The organization spread into other southern States, 
and with its extension went also an enlargement of 
its i)iograr.:rrie of reform. Almost at the same time 




a “National Farmers’ Alliance” was established in 
Illinois which quickly extended its organization into 
Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, and Dakota. 
Many sorts of reform commended themselves to the 
leaders of the movement, north and south : chief among 
them, government control of the means of transpor- 
tation, the entire divorce of the government from the 
banks, and a paper currency issued directly to the people 
on the security of their land, — some escape from the 
power of the money lenders and of the great railways, 
and a war upon monopolies. These were vague pur- 
poses, and the means of reform proposed showed the 
thinking of crude and ignorant minds; but poHticians 
felt with evident concern that new, it might be incon- 
trollable, forces had begrm to play through the matters 
they handled, and that it must presently be harder 
than ever to calculate the fortunes of parties at the polls. 
They perceived how difficult and delicate a task it must 
prove to keep the tacit pledges of the protective system 



to the manufacturers and give the free capital of the 
country the proper support of government and yet 
satisfy the classes now astir in these new associations 
of laborers and farmers, whose distress was as real 
as their programmes of reform were vlsionar5^ 

There was a significance in these new movements 
which did not he upon the surface. New questions 
had become national and were being uncomfortably 
pressed upon the attention of national party leaders 
because the attitude of the country towards the national 
government had been subtly changed by the events 
of war and reconstruction. The war had not merely 
roused the spirit of nationality, until then but half 
conscious, into vivid life and filled every country-side 
of the North and West with a new ardor for that govern- 
ment which was greater than the government of States, 
the government upon which the unity and prestige of 
the nation itself depended. It had also disclosed the real 
foundations of the Union; had shown them to be laid, 
not in the constitution, its mere formal structure, but 
upon deep beds of conviction and sentiment. It was 
not a theory of lawyers that had won when the southern 
Confederacy was crushed, but the passionate beliefs of 
an efficient majority of the nation, to whom the consti- 
tution was but a partial expression of the ideals which 
underlay their common life. While the war lasted 
the forms of the constitution had been with difficulty 
observed, had, indeed, again and again given way 
that the whole force of the nation might run straight 
and unimpeded to meet the exigencies of the portentous 
struggle. Mr. Lincoln had wielded an authority known 
to none of his predecessors. There had been moments 
when it seemed almost as if all constitutional rules 



were suspended and law superseded by force in order 
that the contest for nationality might not halt or be 
hindered. And when the war was over the process 
of reconstruction showed the same method and temper. 
No scrupulous care was taken to square what was done 
in the South with the law of the constitution. The 
will of Congress operated there like that of an absolute 
parliament, even while the lawyers of the houses who 
supported the measures of reconstruction were protest- 
ing that the States they were handling like provinces 
were still members of the Union. The internal affairs 
of the humbled States were altered at the pleasure of 
the congressional leaders, and yet it was said that they 
had not been put forth from the pale of the consti- 

It was inevitable that the w'hole spirit of affairs should 
be profoundly affected by such events. A revolution 
had been ivrought in the consciousness and point of 
view of the nation. Parts had shifted and the air had 
changed. Conceptions were radically altered with re- 
gard to Congress, with regard to the guidmg and com- 
pulsive efficacy of national legislation and the relation 
of the life of the land to the supremacy of the federal 
law-making body. A government wffiich had been 
in its whole spirit federal had, almost of a sudden, be- 
come national, alike in method and in point of view. 
The national spirit which the war had aroused to bring 
this about had long been a-making. Many a silent 
force which grew quite unobserved from generation 
to generation, in quiet times of wholesome peace and 
mere increase of nature, had been slowly breeding the 
thoughts which had now sprung so vividly into con- 
sciousness. The very growth of the nation, the very 


V.— 9 


lapse of time and uninterrupted habit of united action, 
tlie mere mmture and movement and distribution of 
populations, the mere accretions of policy, the mere 
consolidation of interests, had been building and 
''t;e’'i;i’n-;iint> new tissue of nationality the years 
through, and drawing links stronger than links of 
steel about the invisible body of common thought 
and purpose which is the substance of nations. When 
the great crisis of secession came men knew at once 
how their spirits were ruled, men of the South as well 
as men of the North, — in what institutions, in what 
conceptions of government their blood was fixed to 
run; and a great and instant readjustment took place, 
which was for the South, the minority, practically the 
readjustment of conquest and fimdamental revolution, 
but which was for the North i.>>tL’>iL; more than an 

There had been no constitutional forms for such 
a business. For several years, consequently. Congress 
had been permitted to do bj'" statute what, imder the 
older conceptions of the federal law, could properly be 
done only constitutional amendment. The neces- 
sity for that gone by, it was suffered to embody in the 
constitution what it had already enacted and put into 
operation as law, not by the free will of the coimtry at 
large, but by the compulsions of mere force exercised 
upon a minority whose assent was necessary to the 
formal completion of its policy. The result restored, 
practically entire, the forms of the constitution; but 
not before new methods and irregular, the methods of 
majorities but not the methods of law, had been open- 
ly learned and practised, and learned in a way not 
likely to beh'rgottc-ri. It was not merely the economic 



changes of a new age, therefore, that inclined laborers 
and fanners to make programmes of reform wliich thej^ 
purposed to carry out through the instrumentality of 
Congress; it was also this new conception of the su- 
premacy^ of the federal law-making body, of the potency 
of all legislation enacted at Washington. The country 
was turning thither for all sorts of relief, for assistance 
in all parts of its life. 

xA.nd yet other changes had come upon the govern- 
ment at Washington which rendered it a less service- 
able instrument of use than it had once been. Nothing 
had become more emphasized during the reconstruction 
period than the virtual supremacy of the houses over 
the President m all matters outside the field of war 
and foreign affairs, — in foreign affaus even, when 
they chose. No President since General Jackson had 
been the real leader of his party until Lincoln; and 
Lincoln's term had made no permanent difference in 
the practices established since Jackson's day. It had 
been a time apart. In war the Executive was of course 
at the front of affairs ; Congress but sustained it in the 
conduct of exigent business which, in the very nature 
of the case, it could not itself undertake. Parties, too, 
were sdent; the nation had put ordinary questions 
of policy aside. No man could say how Mr. Lincoln 
might have ruled the coimsels of his party in times 
of qmet peace. With Mr. Johnson in the presidency. 
Congress and the Executive had swung violently apart. 
General Grant had not brought them together. He 
was no party man and no statesman, had been bred 
to affairs of another kind, let constructive suggestion 
alone, made no pretence of political leadership. Under 
the strong will of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens a real primacy 



in affairs had been created for the men who led upon 
the floor of the houses, mid old tendencies had been 

During the first days of the government, while the 
old order held and English traditions were still strong, 
the President had been the central figure in affairs, — 
partly because delicate questions of foreign policj'- 
pressed constantl}" for solution, partly because the 
early Presidents were chosen from the ranks of actual 
party leaders, because of their influence with public 
men, their hold upon opinion, and their experience in 
public business. Their i were of the first 

consequence in the guidance of legislation and the 
formation of opinion out-of-doors ; their spokesmen 
and friends usual!}’’ spoke for the President's party 
as well as for the President himself on the floor of Con- 
gress. Even then, however, there had been signs of a 
new order coming in. Neither the President nor the 
members of his cabinet had had access to the floor of 
Congress since Mr. Jefferson decided not to meet the 
houses in person, as his predecessors had done. It 
was the theor}^ of constitutional lawyers that Congress 
and the Executive were meant to be sharply separated 
and distinguished in function, in order that each might 
check and balance the other in ideal accordance with 
the principles of ]\I. Montesquieu ; and there were often- 
times men in the houses whose gifts and impulse of 
initiative were greater, more ef&cient, more serviceable 
than the President’s. Mr. Clay had been notable among 
such men. While he was Speaker of the House of 
Representatives it became evident that the speakership 
could easily be made the chief place of power in the 
management of parties; and so long as he remained 



in Congress the whole country knew that he, and no 
President the Whigs were likely to elect, must be the 
real leader of his party. 

That General Jackson dictated the policy of the Demo- 
crats while he was President all the world perceived; 
but his successors were not men of his stamp. Affairs, 
moreover, were presently turned from their normal 
course by the extraordmary pressure of the slavery 
question. Upon that perplexing matter, so disputable, 
so full of heat, apparently so impossible of definitive 
settlement, always holding a crisis at its heart, parties 
made no confident stand. Definite leadership seemed 
out of the question, until Mr. Douglas came and brought 
a revolution on. All things waited upon the slow move- 
ment of moral, social, economic forces, upon the migra- 
tions of population, upon the insensible shiftings of 
sentiment, upon change and cucumstance. Not imtil 
the war came, with issues which needed no defimition 
at the hands of the politician, with tasks which called, 
not for debate, but for concentration and energy, did 
the organization of party power in Congress take the 
shape it was to keep through the next generation, — 
the new generation which should conduct the war to 
its close and then attempt to set the policies of peace 
afoot again. Then, with Congress ptuged of the south- 
ern Democrats and all organized opposition cleared 
away, the Republican leaders equipped Congress for 
effective mastery. The Senate, indeed, kept its leisurely 
rules, still chose its committees by ballot, and declined 
to put itself under the whip of rigid party discipline as 
the House did, which seemed to regard itself as meant 
to be an administrative, not a deliberative body. The 
House put itself into the hands of its leaders for action. 



Its leaders were the chairmen of its principal standing 
committees and its Speaker. The Speaker appointed the 
committees. In determining the membership of those 
which w'ere to handle the chief matters of its business 
he could determine also the policy they were to urge 
upon the House. For the House put itself very absolute- 
ly into the hands of its committees. Individual initiative 
told for little against them. 

The first Speaker of the war time, Mr. Galusha Grow, 
of Pennsylvania, was a man cast for the r6le of leader, 
quick, aggressive, confident alike m opmion and in 
purpose, a thorough partisan, and yet honest and open 
and ready for responsibility, a man who would use 
the committees for masterj’’; and Mr. Schujder Colfax, 
who succeeded him, in the second Congress of the war 
time, was equallj^ well qualified to keep the manage- 
ment of the House in hand, his good nature and easy 
tact being as influential as his confident initiative in 
keeping legislation to the paths he had marked out. 
Both men acted in close co-operation with Mr. Stevens 
and the other chief masters of the majority upon the 
floor. The conferences of a few men decided always 
what the composition of committees should be, the 
course of legislative action, the time and part allotted 
to debate. The necessity for action was constantly 
pressing upon Congress throughout those anxious 
years; no man ventured to stand long in the way of 
the public business; and by the time the war was over 
the House had been converted into a most efficient in- 
strument of party rule. Mr. Johnson learned what 
its mastery was, how spirited, how irresistible; General 
Grant looked to its leaders for initiative in affairs. The 
Speaker and the little group of party managers drawn 



about him for counsel were henceforth to be in no small 
part the framers of the policy of the government. 

The change was for a long time not observed by the 


country at large, because the two parties offset each 
other in the houses and neither could take entire com- 
3nand of affairs. For fourteen years (1876-1890) neither 
party during any one session controlled both the houses 



and the presidency, except for a brief space of two years 
(1881-1883) when the Republicans, with a Republican 
President in the chair, had, by the use of the Vice Presi- 
dent’s casting vote in the Senate, a majority of a single 
vote m each house. So scant a margm was not a margin 
of power, and the Speaker happened for the nonce to be 
of the older type, not cast for leadership. 

That long deadlock of the houses was of much more 
serious consequence than the mere postponement of 
a full application of the new methods of party leader- 
ship and legislative ■ ricru i So long as it lasted 
no change could be made in the laws passed in support 
of Republican supremacy and negro suffrage in the 
South. The country had turned away from the Re- 
publicans, as the elections to the House showed afresh 
every two years, but the majorit3'' of the nation and the 
majority of the States were by no means one and the 
same, and the Senate came only for a little while 
into the hands of the Democrats, while a Republican 
President was in the chair. Democratic majorities, ac- 
cordingly, did not avail to repeal the “Force Acts” and 
the federal law for the supervision of elections which 
put the southern political leaders in danger of the fed- 
eral courts and kept men of the President's appoint- 
ment at the polls in the South to act in behalf of 
the negroes and the Republican maiiager.s. Though 
the white men of the South were at last in control of 
their state governments, federal law still held them 
off from excluding negroes from the exercise of the 
suffrage by any fair or open method which should set 
aside without breach of law what reconstruction had 
done. They were driven, if the incubus of that ignorant 
and hostile vote was to be lifted from their affairs, to 



resort to covert, triclr\’, fraudulent means ’which brought 
their O’sm deep demoralization. 

Every device kno'^vn to politicians, everj’’ plan that 
could be hit upon that politicians had never before been 
driven to resort to', was made use of to reduce or nullify 
the negro vote. It was a great advantage to the men 
who had regained their power in the South that the 
whole machuiery of elections, at least, was again in 
their hands. They had never before made such use 
of it. The older traditions that surrounded the use of 
the ballot in the South were of the most honorable sort. 
But the poison of the reconstruction system had done 
its work, — no man any longer found it hard to learn 
methods of mastery which were not the methods of 
law or honor or fair play. The new election officers 
found many excuses for rejecting or ignoring the negroes’ 
voting papers. Voting places were often fixed at points 
so remote from the centres of population that only a 
small proportion of the negroes could reach them during 
the hours for voting; or were changed without notice 
so that only the white voters w’ho had been informed 
could find them readdy. In some cases separate ballot 
boxes were used for the several offices to be filled at the 
elections, so lettered that the illiterate negroes distin- 
guished them wdth difficulty and so shifted in their order 
from time to time that the sequence in which they stood 
was constantly being changed, and no vote was counted 
which was not put into the right box. In districts 
where the negroes mustered in unusual numbers too 
few voting places were provided, and the voters were 
prevented from casting their ballots rapidly by premed- 
itated delays of aU sorts, so that the full vote of the 
district could not be cast. 

VOL, V. — II 



The southern legislatures hastened to adopt the device 
long ago originated Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, 
and so divided the voting districts of the States as to seg- 

regate the negroes within a few districts, whimsically 
drawn upon the map in such a way as to seek out and 
include the regions in which they were chiefly massed. 
The “shoe-string district” contrived by the law-makers 
of Mississippi, which ran its devious way across the 



State for three hundred miles with a width of but twenty, 
became known the country over as a type of what was 
being done to cut the negroes off from political power 
in the South. Where such slufts and expedients failed 
of their desired result or could not be made use of actual 
fraud was practised. The less scrupulous partisans of 
the white party managers folded tissue ballots withm 
their regular voting papers and overcame the negro 
majority by multiple votmg Dissuasion, too, and all 
the less noticeable means of intimidation, played their 
quiet part the while m keepmg the negroes away from 
the polls, and the negro vote fell off by the thousand. 
There was presently nothing left of the one-time party 
organization of the Republicans in the South except 
that the federal office holders appointed by Republi- 
can Presidents still essayed to play an influential part 
among the negroes, and hold them to their party alle- 

Slowly cases tried under the various Enforcement 
Acts which had been meant to secure the negroes against 
interference and intimidation in the exercise of their 
civil rights crept up, by appeal, to the Supreme Court 
of the United States and began one by one to be reached 
on its interminable docket; and in each case the court 
declared the powers Congress had assumed in those 
Acts clearly incompatible with the constitution. The 
right of the negroes to assemble and to bear arms, for 
example, which Congress had sought to protect and 
which southern white men had repeatedly interfered 
with, was a right which they enj'oyed, the court declared, 
as citizens of the States, not as citizens of the United 
States, and it was not competent for Congress or the 
federal courts to punish individuals who interfered 



With it. The power conferred upon Congress by the 
Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, to 
secure the negroes equality of civil rights with the 
whites, was, it decided, a power given to be exercised 
in restraint of the States, not against individuals, as 
the Act against the “ conspiracies ” of the Kii Klux had 
used it, and the States, not the federal government, 
must punish those who sought to destroy that equality. 
The legislation which General Grant had put so ener- 
getically into execution was unconstitutional and void. 
But it was 1882 before that sweeping conclusion was 
reached; the Acts had been executed long ago and 
their consequences were complete. Only the thought 
of constitutional lawyers and the course to be pursued 
by the federal government for the future w'ere cleared 
by the belated decisions. 

More and more the attention of the countrj", and even 
of politicians, was being drawn away from the South 
to the forces of change which were playing through the 
whole nation, to the determination alike of policy and 
of party fortunes. The four years of Rlr. Hayes’s term 
in the presidency, wdth their restful discontinuance 
of party legislation, afforded not only a time of calm 
in which thoughtful men could look about them, but 
also a clear stage upon which it quickly became evident 
that new scenes were being set. It was sic:nircii'>t that 
the first summer of Mr. Hayes’s reign of peace was 
marked by labor disturbances of a magnitude and dif- 
ficulty hitherto unknown in America. On the 14th 
of July, 1877, strikes began among the employees of 
the Baltimore and Ohio, the Peimsjdvania, the Erie, 
and the New York Central railways, the chief trunk lines 
between East and West, which for a time assumed al- 



most the proportions of an armed insurrection. Thou- 
sands of miners at the coal mines of Penns5dvania left 
their work along with the railway men, until there 
were presently, it might be, a hundred thousand men 
not only idle but bent upon mischief also, determined 
to hold the business of the railways at a standstill and 
prevent at all hazards the employment of others in 


their places. Not until troops of the United States 
had been called out to aid the militia of the States was 
order restored and the property of the railway com- 
panies secured against pillage and destruction. Rail- 
way traffic had been held still in a sort of paralysis for 
two long weeks; property whose value was estimated 
at ten million dollars had been destroyed ; and the 
country had been given a startling demonstration of 
the power of the labor organizations. 



Such outbreaks were undoubtedly a sign of the times 
and showed very plainly the new, unregulated economic 
forces which were in a future near at hand to exercise 
a potent influence on politics and the plans of parties. 
But they w'ere at least gross, tangible, susceptible of 
being handled by counter force and sheer authority. 
There were subtler economic forces than these at work, 
harder to handle, more to be feared. Ideas vrere rapidly 
gaining ground in the ranks of all parties which seemed 
likely, if unchecked, to break party lines athwart in 
novel confusion and turn the government away from 
some of its oldest, best established lines of policy. They 
chiefly concerned the currency. Congress had met 
the extraordinary expenses of the war by measures 
which had in fact revolutionized the traditional finan- 
cial policy of the government. Taxes had not yielded 



enough, loans could not be had fast enough, and early 
in 1862 it had begun the issue of notes from the Treas- 
urj^ of the United States which were for the time irredeem- 
able, but which w'ere nevertheless made legal tender in 
the pa>'n!0'it of debts. Late in 1861 (December 28th) the 
banks of the country had suspended specie payments. 
The paper of the government became almost the only 
currency, and its bulk rose steadily from million to 
million. War and the depreciation of the currency 
brought in their train an inflation of prices. Farmers 
had been getting little profit from their crops when 
the war began. The cost of transporting them to market 
over the railways had lifted the cost of their production 
quite to the level of what the merchants would give 
for them. Many planters used their com for fuel. But 
the war made gram exceedingly valuable. The pur- 
chases of the government alone changed the whole 
face of the market. Money was once more easy to 
get, the paper money of the Treasury, and could be 
used at its face value as well as gold itself to pay the 
mortgages off which the older time of stress had piled 
up. The “ greenbacks " of the government became 
for the agricultural regions of the North and West a 
symbol of prosperity. 

Conservative constitutional lawyers had doubted from 
the first the legality of these issues. Every serious 
student of the times in which the constitution had been 
framed, and of the dominant motives of its framers, was 
convinced that one of the chief objects of the states- 
men who led the convention of 1787 had been to put 
government in America once for all upon a solid foot- 
ing of sound financial policy. The constitution ex- 
plicitly forbade the issue of paper money by the States, 



and the right to issue it ivas not to be found among the 
enumerated powers granted to Congress. It was laiown 
to have been intentionally omitted , and in 1869 the Su- 
preme Court had decided that the treasury issues of the 
war tune were, as legal tender, unconstitutional and 
void. For a little while it had looked as if the law of 
the constitution was to be made a permanent bar to 
financial experiment. But the decision of the court 
had been reached by onh" a single vote, changes m 
its personnel occurred almost immediatelj^, and in 1870 
the decision was reversed. Congress was at hberty to 
make what experiments it pleased. 

Thoughtful public men saw, nevertheless, that the 
business interests of the coimtry rendered it imperative 
that bt^ statute, if not bt' constitutional compulsion, 
specie payments should be resumed by the govern- 
ment, the redundant currency of the country" contracted, 
and mone\^ transactions put once more upon founda- 
tions that would hold fast. Gold had been made the 
single standard of value in the United States by an 
Act of Congress passed in 1853. That Act had said 
nothing about the silver dollar of the earlier coinage, 
because it had in fact passed out of circulation. The 
Act of 1873 had simph" recognized that fact and drop- 
ped the 4121-2 grain silver dollar from the list of coins. 
An Act of Januaiy^ 14, 1875, had provided for the re- 
sumption of specie payments by the government on 
the 1st of January, 1879. Eveiy^ promise of the govern- 
ment w’as on and after that date to be redeemable in 
gold. By 1876 an extraordinaiA^ fall had taken place 
in the value of silver. It had been coming in augmented 
quantities from the mines ; Germany and even the states 
of the Latin Union, associated by treat}’- for the ex- 



press purpose of maintaming a stable ratio between 
gold and silver in their exchanges, had suspended the 
coinage of silver, the demand for it had greath’ fallen 
9® at the xeiy time that its quantity had increased, 
and the price of silver bullion fell as it had never fallen 
before. The real functions of money, the real laws 
of its value, the real standards of its serviceability, 
its real relations to trade and to industry have always 
been hidden from the minds of men whose thought 
in such matters has not been trained by the actual ex- 
periences of the open markets of the world, in actual 
( wh’i! eo, or in the actual direction of the financial 
operations of governments. The coincidence of high 
prices and eager markets with floods of paper poured 
from the Treasury of the United States, coupled with 
the indisputable fact that the return to slacker demand, 
lower prices, and a greater scarcitj' of money had been 
accompanied by a considerable contraction of the re- 
dundant currency and by laws which were soon to bring 
about a return to specie paj’ments, a turning back from 
“cheap” money to “dear,” confused the thinking even 
of some men who had long been in contact with pubhc 
affairs; and those who could not go quite the length 
of the “ Greenbackers ” turned to silver for relief. 

Gold was not abundant enough, they said, to serve 
as the sole basis of the country’s expanding business, 
get the farmers’ crops to market, or settle the varied 
balances of trade. Silver wns both cheaper and more 
abundant. The obligations of the United States had 
been made payable “in coin”; why must they be paid 
in the dearest of coins? Why could they not be paid 
in the old silver dollar of 412^/^ grains, until 1873 the 
undisputed standard silver dollar of the national coin- 


y — 10 


age? It was in part the suggestion of the owners of 
the silver mines of Colorado and Nevada, no doubt, 
who had influential spokesmen in Congress; but they 
alone could have created no determining opinion m 
the matter. The real force of the sentmient came from 
the uneasy economic conditions of the country. The 
farmers found themselves at the mercy of the railways 
in getting their crops to market; prices had fallen; 
money was not easy to get as it had happened to be 
when abundant issues of paper came pouring every 
month from the government’s treasury ; the gold which 
Congress had sought to make the sole basis of the 
country’s business was in the hands of the great eastern 
bankers ; the railways were in the hands of the capital- 
ists of the East, whom the bankers served. If the bank- 
ers set themselves against everj’’ proposition to provide 
an irredeemable paper currency again or even a fresh 
coinage of silver, there was the more reason to believe 
that paper or silver was the only real " people’s ” money. 
The sentiment grew within Congress and without and 
concentrated itself upon the question of a silver coin- 
age. Reason had not established it and reason could 
not check or dislodge it. It took hold upon RepubH- 
cans and Democrats alike, and within a year of Mr. 
Hayes’s accession to the presidency had won majorities 
in both houses which were large enough to override the 
President’s veto. 

Mr. Bland, of Missouri, introduced in the House a 
bill which provided for the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver into standard dollars of 412^ grains at the 
mints of the United States at the pleasure of those who 
presented silver bullion which they wished so converted. 
The finance committee of the Senate, under the leader- 



ship of Senator Allison, of Iowa, when the bill reached 
them, substituted for it a measure which provided for 
the monthly purchase by the Treasury of not less than 
two million dollars' worth of silver bullion and its coin- 
age into standard silver dollars which should be legal 
tender, without restriction of amount, in the paj-ment 
of all debts. The Sec- 
retary of the Treasury 
was authorized at his 
discretion to expend as 
much as four millions 
monthly for the purpose. 

The House accepted the 
measure which Mr. Alli- 
son's committee had sub- 
stituted for its own. Mr. 

Hayes vetoed it, but the 
houses passed it over his 
veto, February 28, 1878. 

The majority for it was 
as decisive in the Re- 
publican Senate as in 
the Democratic House. 

Specie payments were 
resumed on the 1st of 
January, 1879, as the Act of 1875 directed, but silver 
had been added to gold. The Secretary of the Treasury 
made his purchases of silver bullion at its market value 
in gold, of course; its price fell in spite of the Bland- 
Allison Act, because it was governed, as every man of 
experience in such matters knew it must be, by influ- 
ences as wide as the markets of the world; and the 
monthly coinage steadily yielded more than two million 




coined dollars of the fineness prescribed b\’ Congress, 
though the Secretary of the Treasury confined him- 
self always to the expenditure of the minimum sum 



fixed by the Act. Not many of the coined dollars 
themselves got into the currents of trade. The Act had 
authorized the Secretary to issue certificates in their 
place to those who did not wish the actual silver, and 


the coins steadily accumulated in the vaults of the 
Treasur\", some thirtj- millions a year. 

This was the only legislation of importance, apart 
from the routine business of the government, that a 
Republican Senate and a Democratic House could agree 
upon. All party purposes of necessity stood m abejmnce. 
Mr. Hayes had as little political authority as Mr Johnson 
had had. He had been chosen, as Mr. Franklin Pierce 
had been twenty-five years before, from outside the 
ranks of the authoritative leaders of his party. He had 
no real hold upon the country His amiable charac- 
ter, his lack of party heat, his conciliatory attitude 
towards the South alienated rather than attracted the 
members of his party in Congress They had been 
accustomed to see the fight forced for coercion and 
supremacy in the South, as for the execution of every 
other party purpose, and the zest for strong measures 
was still upon them. The President, besides, would not 
listen to them in matters of appointment to of6.ce, as 
General Grant had listened, to his undoing, but went 
calmly about to have his own way in dispensmg the 
patronage. The Democrats did not like him because 
he seemed to them incapable of frank, consistent action. 
He withdrew the troops from the southern States to 
let politics there take their normal course, and yet he 
appointed the one-time members of the discredited re- 
turning boards to federal offices, as if to console them for 
their loss of power. He was not aggressive enough 
to draw a party of his ovm about him, and yet he 
had a character too firm, too self-respecting, too deeply 
touched with a sense of individual responsibility to ac- 
cept advice which his own judgment did not approve. 
He went his own course and kept affairs at their quiet 




poise, awaiting a change of weather. The second 
Congress of his term was Democratic m both branches 
and made trial of every expedient known to parliament- 
ary strategy to force upon him a repeal of the statutes 
which gave federal supervisors and marshals powers 
of oversight and arrest at the southern polls; but the 
President was too stout a partisan to consent and stood 
fast against them. All things stood as they were until 
the elections should come again. 

Mr. Hayes was not nominated for a second term. 
Determined efforts were made m the Republican nomi- 
nating convention, which met June 5, 1880, at Chicago, 
to nominate General Grant again and return to the 
party's old regime; but they were defeated, and Mr. 
James A. Garfield, of Ohio, was named as the party's 
new candidate for the presidencj^ Mr. Chester A. Arthur, 
of New York, as its candidate for the vice presidency. 
Neither of the candidates could claim especial eminence. 
Mr. Garfield had won high rank and enviable distinction 
as an of&cer of volunteers in the war, had become a 
member of the House when the struggle had but just 
passed its central crisis at GO -b . and had served 
continuously there until chosen a senator of the United 
States in the very year of his nomination for the presi- 
dency, without making himself felt except for his at- 
tractive personality, his serviceable confidence and 
courage as a parliamentary leader, and his power as 
an orator. But he stood within the intimate counsels 
of his party as Mr. Hayes did not. Mr. Arthur had 
been collector of the port of New York, but had stood 
for the most part aside from national politics, a lawyer 
and managing servant of his party within the State 
rather than a conspicuous figure in its general counsels, 



They were not men to catch the enthusiasm of the covm- 
tr3^ But the party that was back of them had gathered 
again some of its old momentum ; the Democrats had no 
policy to propose which seemed vital or of the new age 


that had come in, and presented as their candidates only 
an attractive soldier. General Winfield Scott Hancock, 
and Mr. William H. English, a successful business man 
of Indiana, who had been no politician since Kansas 
was admitted to the Union. Though the Democratic 


voters mustered strong at every polling place and fell 
but a little more than nine thousand behind the Re- 
publicans in a total vote of more than nine millions, 
they carried no States north of Mason and Dixon’s 
line except New Jersey, Maryland, California, and 
Nevada, and Air. Garfield was chosen President by a 
majority of fifty-nine m the electoral college (214-155). 

The only note of new questions sounded in the cam- 
paign came from the convention of the “Greenback- 
Labor Party,” in which reformers of the more radical 
sort had united. It had declared, turning to what seemed 
for the moment the cluef question of the day, that “aU 
money, whether metallic or paper, should be issued 
and its volume controlled by the government, and not 
by or ib’.-o jgb banking corporations, and, when so 
issued, should be full legal tender for all debts, public 
and private.” It had demanded that the greenback 
notes of the war time “should be substituted for the 
notes of the national banks, the national banking system 
abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as well 
as gold, established bj^ law.” But for the present the 
country preferred to make choice, not among new par- 
ties, but between the old, which it knew, and the pro- 
gramme of the new party got but a few more than three 
hundred thousand votes out of the nine millions cast. 
The Democrats not only failed to get the presidency 
but also lost their majorities both in the House and in 
the Senate, though by a margin so slender that the 
Republicans were to find that they could make Httle 
confident or aggressive use of their advantage. 

The transition from Mr. Hayes to Air. Garfield seemed 
but a natural exchange of a man who did not lead for 
a man who had a real hold on the affections and the 




allegiance of his party and could stand at its front to 
make policy; but it had scarcely been made when the 
air seemed to fill with oimnous signs of sinister dis- 
quiet. The poisonous influences which had long been 
gathering about the sj'stem of appomtments to office, 
the spirit of mtrigue and of personal . 
the insistent schemmg and dictation of members of the 
houses to force their preferences and the arguments of 
their private interest upon the acceptance of the Presi- 
dent, the brazen, indecent clamor of the meaner sort 
of partisans for preferment, seemed of a sudden to 
work with fatal violence upon affairs. Mr. Garfield 
asserted a will of his o\ra in the matter, and the two 
senators from New York, Mr. Roscoe Conkling and Mr. 
Thomas Collier Platt, resigned their seats, as if upon 
some weighty quarrel in matters of state, because he 
would not heed their wishes and choose their nominee 
in naming a collector for the port of New York, Office 
seekers swarmed about the President with quite un- 
wanted arrogance, and before he had been four months 
in his imeasy place of authority one of the crowding 
throng whom he had disappointed ivreaked foul ven- 
geance upon him. On the morning of the 2d of July, 
l88l, as he passed through a railway station at Wash- 
ington on his w'ay to the seaside to seek a much needed 
respite from the harassments of those first months of 
bitter wrangle and discord, he wms shot by Charles 
Jules Guiteau, a man maddened by disappointed vanity 
because he had not obtained the office he sought. For 
eighty days the President lingered between life and 
death, but death conquered, and on the 19th of Septem- 
ber the end came. On the 20th Mr, Arthur took the 
oath as President 



Thoughtful men had looked about them, the while, 
to see what this new and sinister thing meant. Some 
part of its explanation lay upon the surface. It might, 
no doubt, fairly be ascribed, in part at least, to the sharp 
factional split that had shown itself in the Republican 


ranks in the convention which had nominated Mr. 
Garfield. The “stalwarts” of the party, whom Mr, 
Conkling had led, and who had fought desperately 
in the convention to secure the renomination of General 
Grant, were of the older temper of the party, had hated 
Mr. Hayes very cordially for his mildness and lack of 
partisan vigor, and were bent upon carrying Republicans 



back to the methods which others saw had discredited 
them in their day of power. They had been defeated 
by the “ halfbreeds of the convention, as they con- 
temptuousty designated their opponents within the 
party, and IMr. Garfield was m- their ej^es the represen- 
tative of the halfbreeds. Mr. Conklmg had supported 
him in the campaign, despite his feelmg of personal 
defeat, and Mr. Con kl mg's friends felt sure that his 
eloquence and personal influence had availed as nothing 
else could have availed to keep the State of New York 
to its allegiance to the Republicans in the election. His 
generosity in that matter they deemed worthy of reward. 
But Mr. Garfield would yield him no special considera- 
tion; and, because the President held himself resolutely 
at a balance as between faction and faction in his use 
of the patronage and pointedly ignored the wish of the 
stalwarts in his appointment to the collectorship of 
the port of New York, ]\'Ir. Conkling had flung out of 
the Senate and appealed to the legislature of New York 
for re-election, as a demonstration of power against 
the President. He had failed. The legjslaiure would 
not so rebuke the President. But factional bitterness 
had been wrought to the highest pitch, and the tragedy 
of the President's death seemed to the country an object 
lesson in its consequences. 

The attention of the country was fixed at last, with 
painful intensity of interest, upon the character and 
influence of the civil service. Not a little of the true 
nature of the existing system of appointments to ofiSce 
had been laid bare by Mr. Conkling's extraordinary 
act of self-assertion. The use of appointments as re- 
wards for party services did not, it seemed, bind par- 
tisans together, after all, as the advocates of the spoils 



system claimed, or compact and discipline parties for 
aggressive and successful action. Worked out tlirougli 
its detail of local bosses, senatorial and congressional 
"influence,” personal favors, the placating of enemies 
and the full satisfaction of friends, it must always men- 


ace the successful party itself with factional disruption. 
Guiteau, the assassin, had said that he fired his shots 
for the “stalwarts,” that Mr. Arthur, their friend, might 
be President; and those murderous shots still rang 
in the ear of the country like a startling confirmation 
of all that the advocates of civil service reform had said. 
Congressmen saw opinion at last set steadily, irresistibly 



towards radical measures of reformation, with a force 
and certainty it had never shown before, and Democrats 
and Repubhcans foimd one more question upon which, 
opinion beating upon them as it did, they must agree. 
In August, i88i, while the President lay dying, various 
local associations which had been formed to agitate 
the question of the reform of the civil service were drawn 
together, in a meeting held at Newport, Rhode Island, 
into a National Civil Service Reform League, whose 
first act was to express its hearty approbation of a 
bill for the reform of the service which IMr. Pendle- 
ton, of Ohio, had introduced the preceding year in the 

The bill would no doubt have lain almost unnoticed 
on the docket of the Senate had not Mr. Conkling’s 
arrogance and ^uiteau's madness of bitter passion dis- 
posed all the country to consider what must be done. 
Mr. Pendleton was a Democrat, but he spoke only for 
himself and for other men of like conviction in the mat- 
ter, not for his party, in the bill in which he proposed 
a return to the system of competitive appointments 
which Congress had authorized in 1872 and aban- 
doned in 1874. Neither did he speak for the party in 
power, who regarded such a measure as a mere cur- 
tailment of its political influence. Even the tragedy of 
1881 did not shake the politicians from their stubborn 
hostility. For almost two years the bill lingered and 
made no progress, despite the unmistakable evidences 
of opinion out-of-doors. But the elections of 1882 suf- 
ficed to bring it to life. In the Congress chosen in 1880 
the Repubhcans predominated, by a bare majority, too 
small to use, in both houses. But the elections of 1882 
put into the House a Democratic majority of more than 



eighty and aroused the Republicans to a sudden sense 
of their responsibility to the public opinion of the coun- 
try. The Senate, changing by States, not by the sweep 
of the popular vote, remained in their hands ; their ma- 


jority there was even increased: In the existing Senate 
they had had to rely on the casting vote of the Vice 
President for their majority; in the new Senate they 
were to command a serviceable majority of four. But 
they read the signs of the weather with as keen an ap- 

V. — II i6i 


prehension as if they had lost both Senate and House. 
The Democrats, on their part, were ready to enhance 
their growing credit wdth the country by showing them- 
selves willing advocates of reform. On the 6th of 
January, 1883, accordingly-, before the new Congress 
met, the Pendleton bill passed both houses by- large 
majorities, almost as if without serious dissent; and 
Mr. Arthur signed it at once with hearty^ approval. 

It provided for appointments to office by- competitive 
exammation and for the constitution of a Civil Service 
Commission which should be charged with the execu- 
tion of its provisions, the establishment of proper tests, 
the conduct of examinations, and the careful enforce- 
ment of the rules of eligibility. It did not include all 
classes of the civil service, but it at least took rank and 
file, all clerical offices and all offices not of special trust 
and confidence, out of the reach of the politicians, and 
began a reform which the President could, imder the 
terms of the Act itself, extend at his pleasure. Mr. 
Arthur sought to have it administered efficiently- and 
in thorough good faith, for it had his sincere approval. 
He had shown from the first a dignity’-, a tact, a firmness, 
a sense of public duty in the administration of the great 
office so unexpectedly thrust upon him which had filled 
the coimtry not less with surprise than with deep satis- 
faction. His selection by the Republicans for the vice 
presidency had given even stout partisans uncomfort- 
able misgivings. He had been known in New York 
as of the group of office-holding politicians rather than 
as a man devoted to the larger kind of public service; 
his company had been that of the petty managers of 
the party’s local interests, more interested in patronage 
than in pubUc questions, a “stalwart" who took his 



cue from larger men. But the presidency brought his 
finer qualities to light. His messages and state papers 
read like the productions of a man of unusual capacity, 
mformation, and literary power. He seemed to make his 
chief appointments with a view to the efficiency of the 
public service rather than with a view to political ad- 
vantage. He dealt with the bills sent to him by Congress 
in a way that lacked neither courage nor discrimination. 
Faction was quieted and the course of affairs ran cool 
again, with an air in which men could thmk. 

There was need for dispassionate thinking. Each 
year disclosed more clearly than the j^ear which had 
preceded it the altered temper of the times, the ques- 
tions of industrial development, of the relations be- 
tween capital and labor, of tariff readjustment, and 
of currency reform which must take precedence of the 
older questions of politics, of constitutional privilege 
and civil rights, which had cut the former lines of 
cleavage between parties. The tariff duties which 
had been adjusted to the conditions and financial neces- 
sities of the war time were now piling up in the Treasury 
balances too large to be used. Obviously something 
must be done to ease the country of the unnecessary 
burden. Democrats and Republicans could not easily 
agree upon such a question. It was an old question 
in a new guise and had always separated Democrats 
from the Whigs from whom Republicans took their 
traditions in such a matter. The first approaches to 
reform were made very slowly, therefore, very guardedly, 
with a handsome show of careful consideration but 
very little show of action. In the winter of 1881-1882 
a commission was appointed to travel through the coun- 
try and take testimony with regard no less to the local 



than to the national conditions of trade and industry, 
for the purpose of supplying Congress with trustworthy 
data upon which to act in reducing the duties. Its 
report was in due course made, and an Act was passed 
which effected a reduction of duties which was in sub- 
stantial accord wuth its recommendations. But the 
majority of the commission had been made up of stout 
protectionists, and the changes m the tariff which it rec- 
ommended made little difference either m the revenues 
or in the incidence of taxation. 

It began to be plainly evident, moreover, that the 
tariff question was but a part of that general question 
of the development of trade and industry which year 
by year grew so various, so complex, so difficult to set 
justty apart in its elements. The countrj^ w^as un- 
doubtedly prosperous. The South, especiall}^, was 
showing how it could respond to the economic stimu- 
lation of the time, to the general development of the 
resources of the country", now that its corrupt govern- 
ments, with their negro majorities, were lifted from 
its shoulders. But the very expansion of industrjq 
the very growth and cumulative productiveness of 
capital made difficulties of their own, — difficulties novel, 
unlooked for, in the handling of which statesmen were 
without experience or precedent and even men of busi- 
ness without standards of judgment. Capitalists were 
effecting a novel concentration of their power, through 
corporate association, through united lines of railway, 
through' extensive combinations in industrial imder- 
takings which created a sort of league to control both 
the output and the prices. And laborers, finding that 
they had to deal no longer with individual employers, 
but with pow^erful groups of men whom they 





saw and could speak with only through their agents, 
themselves drew together in leagues, larger than the 
old trades unions, in order that workingmen as well 
as employers might wield the power of wide combma- 
tion. Even laborers of different occupations drew to- 
gether. So long ago as 1869 a society had been formed 
in Philadelphia, upon the initiative of a tador, 

one Uriah Stevens, to unite workingmen of different oc- 
cupations for their mutual benefit and protection, not 
only in respect of their relations with their employers, 
but also in respect of their relations with one another 
and the general advancement of their interests. Before 
statesmen saw what new questions were before them it 
had grown into a “ Noble Order of Knights of Labor,” 
whose membership was numbered in figures which ex- 
ceeded one hundred thousand. A new economic force 
had come upon the field. 

Financial disaster, a time of sharp stringency when 
men looked to their investments, regretted their loans, 
questioned every adventure of business, and stood dis- 
mayed to see the prosperity of the countrj’ of a sudden 
checked, it might be destroyed, added its thrill of ex- 
citement and of apprehension to bring the thought of 
the country to an imperative reckoiiiim upon economic 
questions. As in 1873, so again now it was the too 
rapid development of railways, their too desperate com- 
petition for earnings which were at best insufficient 
to support them, and the reckless speculation of those 
who dealt in their stocks that brought the sudden con- 
traction of values on, and then panic and ruin. The 
country was growing very rapidly alike in population 
and in the increase of wealth and the multiplication 
of resources. The census taken in 1880 liad shown that 



the population had, within the preceding’ ten years, 
increased more than thirty per cent., from 38,558,371 
to 50,155,783. It was estimated that the actual wealth 
of the country had withm the same period increased 
quite forty-five per cent., from $30,068,518,507 to $43,- 
642,000,000. Nothing had lagged. Agriculture, manu- 
factures, commerce, the products of the mines and of 
every industry that added to the resources of the coun- 
try and made it rich and quick with energy showed a 
sound and wholesome growth commensurate with crowd- 
ing numbers and the zest of hopeful enterprise. But the 
construction of rail-ways had outrun all reason in the 
attempt to keep pace -with the country’s growth. The 
total railway mileage of the United States had been 
increased from 52,914 to 93,671 within the decade. New 
lines had bid against the old for patronage by sharp re- 
ductions in the rates of carriage; rates had fallen below 
the actual cost of the service; and while ruinous com- 
petition cut away profits, speculation in railway securi- 
ties in the stock market completed the mischief. That 
speculation had reached its highest point of reckless 
adventure in 1880. After that the prices of railway se- 
curities began to decline, at first only a little, then very 
sharply, and in May, 1884, the inevitable crash came. 
As usual, some firms upon the Street suffered not only 
ruin but dishonor also, among the rest the firm of Grant 
and Ward, in which General Grant had been a silent 
partner. He had known nothing of the dishonorable 
transactions of his partners, but the disgrace and ruin 
in which they involved him touched his last days with 
humiliation and -with a deep sadness which he could 
not shake off. Unscrupulous men had played upon 
him in business as they had played upon him in poli- 



tics, and men’s minds went always backwards to find 
his time of glor}’. 

Financial crisis did not, of course, touch the real 
resources of the coimtry; its business went forward 
ivithout fatal embarrassment, and those who took the 
large view of affairs perceived that its prosperity was 
not in fact seriously checked by what had happened 
in Wall Street. But Wall Street was, none the less, 
the seat of credit, and acute disturbances in its market 
could not go bj^ without consequences which all the 
coimtry felt. Busmess could not, for a little while, 
move with as confident a spirit as before. It was evi- 
dent, too, that in imdertaldngs both great and small the 
friction between laborers and emploi^ers grew, not less, 
but greater, as if some unwholesome influence were 
at work to clog the productive processes of the time. 
Workingmen promptly adapted to their own use against 
employers the "boycott” which Irish agitators had 
originated to work the ruin of those who opposed their 
radical programmes of social and political reform or 
who stood out for the privileges of the hated land owners. 
Individuals or companies who would not yield to the 
dictation of the labor • ‘ .in any matter, 
whether of employment, wages, or hours of work, they 
sought to cut off from all patronage and business by 
terrorizing aU who dealt with them or approached their 
places of busmess ; and the courts were forced to execute, 
sometimes very harshly, the law against conspiracy, 
fitting formulas originated in an age gone by to cir- 
cumstances more difficult to form their judgments upon 
than any a past age had produced. It added a little, 
too, to the sense of disquietude created by the crisis 
in the money market and the chronic disorders of in- 



dustry that unprecedented and disastrous floods oc- 
curred, in the summer of 1884, in the valley of the Ohio, 
breeding distresses and tumults in the city of Cincinnati 
which put the place for six days together almost at 
the mercy of mobs. 

The country got from every quarter a disquieting 
sense of lax government, deranged business, bad 
management m affairs, and the dissatisfaction and 
anxiety which such impressions produced inevitably 
operated to discredit the party in power. Some radical 
change in leadership began to seem desirable. Opinion 
more and more wearied of the stale grounds of preference 
upon which parties and candidates were chosen at the 
polls. The Republicans had held the presidency ever 
since the war, and both houses of Congress until 1875, 
not because they met new questions with new policy, 
but because, in a day now gone by, they had been the 
party of the Union and had saved it. Tenure of power 
through a whole generation, as if by prescriptive right, 
had worked its own demoralization, as was inevitable 
among men who made no new plans and had no new 
impulse of reform. Mr. Hayes had been upright, public 
spirited, inclined to serve the country unselfishly and 
in the interest of sound policy; Mr. Arthur had come 
out of the unpromising ranks of office holders and local 
party managers and jmt had shown himself a man of 
elevated ideals in administration; but observant lookers 
on got the impression, none the less, that the lax morals 
and questionable practices of General Grant’s day 
were still to be found beneath the surface of the public 
business at Washington. Men everywhere believed 
that the fibre of the party in power was relaxed and 
that new blood must somehow be got into the govem- 

VOL V.— 13 


ment before it could be made secure against the bad 
methods and the vicious standards of action which 
had got possession of it. It was not an issue as be- 
tween parties that was shaping itself in the public mind, 
but rather a desire to choose new men, whichever party 
should prove ready to supply them, — the newer, the 
less identified with the party policies of the generation 
then passing away, the better. Upon that desire the 
presidential canipaigii of 1884 turned. Had the Re- 
publicans named a man of such qualities as to make 
the country feel sure of him as an instrument of integ- 
rity and sensible rectification in public affairs, no doubt 
he would have been chosen President; but they did 
not name such a man. The Democrats did, and won. 
Air. Grover Cleveland, whom the Democratic conven- 
tion put forward, was a new man in the field of' national 
politics, but had proved his quality in public service 
in the State of New York in a way which had, within 
the past two or three years, attracted the attention of 
the whole country. Twent}’ j^ears before, when he was 
but a youth of twenty-six, he had been chosen district 
attorney for the city of Buffalo (1863); in 1871 he had 
been made sheriff of his county, and ten years later 
mayor of Buffalo; in 1882 he became governor of the 
State. In that year the tide of popular reaction against 
the Repubhcans had run very strong, and Pennsylvania 
and Massachusetts, as well as New York, had preferred 
Democratic to Republican governors; but the reaction 
had been more marked and extraordinary in New York 
than anywhere else. In 1880, the year Mr. Garfield 
was chosen President, the Repubhcans had carried 
New Y'ork by a safe margin of more than 21,000 votes ; 
and yet in 1882, but two years later. Air. Cleveland had 



been preferred to an unimpeachable opponent by a 
plurality of 190,000. 

He was of the open and downright sort that all men 
who love strength must ahvays relish. Business men 
felt that they could trust him because he had had busi- 
ness of his owm to manage as a lawyer of assured and 
increasing practice and knew the busmess interests 
of the State and meant to guard them. Plain men 
instinctively trusted him, because they felt sure that 
they understood him, seeing that he was no subtile 
politician but a man without sophistication like them- 
selves. He had early been drawn into politics and 
had followed it with a wholesome relish, finding zest 
in its comradeships with men of action and resource, 
men of quick wits and ready expedients, as well as 
in the sense of action and of service which it brought 
into his own life. A long apprenticeship in affairs, 
with local politicians for associates and fellow coun- 
sellors, made it very clear to him how men were to be 
handled and combined and gave him that close ac- 
quaintance with the personal side of party combination 
which is the surest basis of political sagacity among 
those who lead; and yet, though he knew men of all 
sorts intimately and at first hand, as Lincoln did, and 
met them every day in close, sympathetic association, 
he kept his own principles and point of view unconfused. 
He was the son of a rural pastor. His father had not 
had the means to give him a college training, but the 
lad had got the better training of a Christian house- 
hold, had brought away from his quiet home standards 
of right action and a steadfast, candid conscience which 
told more and more upon the courses of his life as he 
matured. His associates found candor and courage to 



be the most characteristic qualities of the man. There 
was something ver}^ satisfactory^ in the simplicity and 
frankness with which he went about his duties when 
in ofl&ce, without question as to his obligations as a 
public servant or as to the effect of what he 

did upon his personal fortunes. "The affairs of the 
city/' he said, when he became mayor, “ should be 
conducted as far as possible upon the same prmciple 
as a good business man manages his private con- 
cerns ” ; and the voters of the city found, with not a 
little satisfaction, that he acted upon that principle 
with extraordinary watchfulness and vigor. They 
dubbed him the " veto mayor " before his term was out, 
so frequently did he check the extravagance and the 
ill considered plans of the city council with his sharp, 
unhesitating executive negative. As governor the same 
qualities shone even more conspicuous in hhn. Cour- 
age, directness, good sense, public spirit, as if without 
thought of consequences either to himself or to hi.s 
party, made him at once a mem whom all the country 
marked when he came to that great post. 

There were men in the Republican ranks in New 
York who had played the chief parts of protest against 
the tendencies of their party. They meant to reform 
it, if they could, and so save it, but to oppose it if they 
could not bring it to a new way of action, a new and 
better choice of leaders. They sent strong spokesmen 
to the Republican nominating convention of 1884, and 
when that convention would not heed them they urged 
the Democrats to nominate Mr. Cleveland and give 
independent voters a chance to cast their ballots for 
a man of their own temper and principles in affairs. 
The Democratic convention took their advice, and for 



the first time in twenty-eight years a Democrat was 
chosen President. The candidate whom the Republicans 
had preferred was as brilliant a leader as any party 
had had for a generation; but the country did not want 
brilliant leadership , it wished for mere solidity of charac- 
ter and for a new and better point of view in the man it 
should put into its highest office ; and it could not satisfy 
itself with Mr. Blaine. Mr. James G. Blaine was a 
man turned of fifty-four; Mr. Cleveland was but forty- 
seven. The one had been known ih'-o’ igh a whole 
generation as a man who by sheer force of natural gifts, 
eloquence, audacity, charm, had made his way to the 
front in the national counsels ; the other had come but 
j^esterday into view, not as a leader in counsel, but as a 
man of right action in practical public business. But 
some deeply unpleasant impressions had got abroad 
concerning Mr. Blaine, and had worked very powerfully 
upon those who were beyond the reach of his personal 
charm; and when the Republicans nommated him for 
the presidency the distrust those impressions had bred 
cost him the election, with such a man as Mr. Cleveland 
for opponent. He had played a great part in legislation. 
Three successive times before they lost control of the 
House of Representatives (1869-1875) the Republicans 
had made him Speaker, and he had used the power of 
that great office to make himself master of party action 
in the lower house, after the manner of the later Speakers, 
but with a personal hold upon the members of the House 
such as no man had enjoyed since Henry Clay. There 
were rumors that he had used his power also to obtain 
favors from certain railway and mining corporations 
and enrich himself. Nothing was proved. When the 
charges made against him were looked into with careful 



and impartial scrutiny they turned out to have verj^ 
disputable foundation. He had engaged in transac- 
tions which no doubt left his hands clean, but hardly, 
it seemed, his conscience. There had been too little of 
the high punctilio of a nice sense of honor in many 
of the things he had done. Republicans who had growm 
critical and uneasy in such matters were convinced 
that, whatever might be said in defence or justification 
of Mr. Blaine, he was, at best, not entirely free from 
the taint that had seemed to fall upon almost every 
leader of the party who had played a prominent part 
in Congress during the last, bad days of the period of 
reconstruction, when the power they wielded was touched 
wfith high-handed lawlessness and the government 
they administered with the spirit of spoilsmen. 

The result of the election turned upon the vote of 
New York. No strong tide of popular preference ran 
for the Democrats such as had heartened them in 1882. 
Every northern and western State except Connecticut, 
New Jersey, Indiana, and New York cast its votes for 
Mr. Blaine; could he have carried New York, he would 
have been elected, and he lost it by only the very narrow 
margin of 1,149 votes. In the thought of the New York 
voters it was one thing to vote for a governor, quite 
another to vote for a President. The national prestige 
of the Republican party was not lost ; only the steadfast 
determination of a few men to rid it, if they could, of 
its older leaders gave the vote of the State to Mr. Cleve- 
land. Their task called for not a little moral courage 
in the performance. They were in principle and by 
preference, not Democrats, but Republicans, and what 
they were about to do filled their one-time party as- 
sociates with contempt and bitter resentment. They 



were dubbed pharisees, who must needs prove them- 
selves a saving and holy remnant, truer than their fel- 
lows; “mugwumps,” big chiefs, who would not take 
their cue from common men but must signalize their 
valor apart. They accepted the name “mugwump” 
very cheerfully. It was a name whimsically borrowed 
from the language of the Alirompiin Indians, was 
native American, ai\--'-d!:igly, and had no sting that 
they flinched rmder either in its first or in its ironical 
meaning. Thej^ were led by men who cared little what 
names they were called by if only they satisfied their 
principles in what they did : men like Mr. Carl Schurz, 
who had led the revolt of the Republicans of Missouri 
twelve years before; men like Mr. George William Curtis, 
as much statesman and orator as man of letters, with 
whom politics was not a game of power but a career 
of duty. It was the good fortune of such men that 
there were others in goodly numbers who were as in- 
different as themselves what jibes were uttered against 
them provided they won and kept their character in 
the fight they had entered upon. And they did win. 
No doubt the Mugwumps made Mr. Cleveland Presi- 
dent. He was a man of the sort they most desired, not 
touched with the older sophistications of politics, his 
face set forward, his gifts the gifts of right action. They 
trusted bim and believed that he would purify the civil 
service and bring in a new day in which parties should 
concentrate their purposes on practical questions of the 

Mr. Cleveland’s task as President was both delicate 
and dif&cult. He did not come into power supported 
by the warm enthusiasm of a people, as General Jackson 
had come, though no one doubted that he was the 



people’s, not a party’s. President. His popular majority 
over Mr. Blaine was but 23,000. Three hundred and 
twenty-five thousand votes had been cast for the can- 
didates of the Greenback and the Prohibitionist parties, 
to which many men had turned for the nonce because 
they could not brmg themselves to vote for Mr. Blame 
and would not vote for a candidate of the Democrats, 
and in their extremity what to do threw their votes away. 
Out of a total popular vote of more than ten millions, 
therefore, Mr. Cleveland had lacked an absolute majority 
by more than three hundred thousand. The congres- 
sional elections had given the Democrats a strong work- 
ing majority again in the House, but the Senate was 
still Republican. And yet the new President’s party 
wished and expected him to recast the administration 
of the government in its behoof, as if it were already 
in its ascendency, and the Mugwumps bade him dis- 
regard party, put partisan considerations aside in his 
appointments to office, and make the government at 
Washington, as he had made the government at Albany, 
a sound instrument of public business. It was in- 
evitable that he should disappoint both his party and 
the leaders of the independents. Fortimately he knew 
his own mind and was not rendered timid by the dif- 
ficulties of his task. He accounted himself, not an 
independent, but a Democrat. His anouiauce to his 
party was of the staunch and loyal sort. He thoroughly 
believed in its principles and held himself bound to 
serve it in every legitimate way compatible with the 
pubhc service. He was a sincere believer in the reform 
of the civil service which the Mugwumps made so promi- 
nent a part of their creed and programme ; but he thought 
it no breach of the principles of that reform to refuse 



reappointment to Republican officials whose statutory 
term of four years had expued and to put Democrats in 
their places, to ask for the resignation of Republican 
officials whose offices brought them into relations of 
confidence with the administration, or to dismiss those 
out of the rank and file who showed themselves dis- 
posed to use their offices for partisan purposes. He 
thought it right and wholesome and an act of sound 
policy to change a civil service which w'as exclusively 
Republican in every rank, and which had been ex- 
clusively Republican throughout a whole generation, 
a service in which Democrats had been vutually pro- 
scribed, into a service mixed of men of both parties, and 
a clear matter of traditional right to put Democrats in 
every chief post of trust. 

The thorough-going politicians of the Democratic 
party were disappointed to the pitch of dismay to find 
that Mr. Cleveland meant to make no clean sweep of 
the offices and set his face like flmt against the doctrine 
that appointments to office were the spoils of victory in 
a presidential contest. Thor . ’ . i • reformers were 
equally disappointed to find that he did not intend to 
adopt their principles with their own uncompromising 
austerity. “They are to be treated with respect,” 
Mr. Blaine had written to Mr. Garfield of the reformers, 
in 1880, “but they are the worst possible political ad- 
visers, . . . foolish, vain, without knowledge of meas- 
ures, ignorant of men, . . . pliuri-'-aicul but not prac- 
tical; ambitious, but not wise; pretentious, but not 
powerful. ' ' Mr. Cleveland knew too much of the sterling 
character and wide experience of the particular group 
of reformers who had made his election possible to utter 
so superficial a judgment about them, or to feel any- 



thing but the profoundest respect for their motives 
and for their sagacity as men of action. He stood 
ver3^ near them in his own hopes and purposes, and 
felt no touch of Mr. Blaine’s resentful contempt for 
them. But he was a practical man of affairs and knew 
better than they did both the limitations and the theo- 
retical weakness of their piKa'a’-'MiC'- The}^ stood out- 
side the public service as critics; dealt with principles, 
not with men; were serviceable in the formation of 
opinion, but not in the conduct of government. The 
conduct of government they still left to professional 
politicians and to men who made public life their 
constant object, as they themselves did not; and Mr. 
Cleveland understood the public men whom they con- 
demned more justly than they did, — understood them 
by reason of lifelong association with them, and knew 
that their qualities were better, their gifts a great deal 
more serviceable than men who had no dealings with 
them supposed them to be. Those who came into di- 
rect conference with him and learned to know at first 
hand his principles of action found nothing so strong, 
so imperative in Mr. Cleveland as his sense of justice, 
his sense of right and of fair dealing. He had, they 
found, a big conscience open to the airs of all the va- 
rious world, approachable by all sorts of men, whether 
of thought or of affairs. He felt as much bound to 
meet the reasonable expectations of the right-minded 
politicians of his party as to come up to the require- 
ments of the reformers. He knew the practice of party 
government as his critics did not, and felt at liberty 
to act upon the immemorial understandings of govern- 
ment in that kind wherever he could do so and yet 
not violate principles of sound administration. He 



meant to use the principles of the civil service reform- 
ers for the purpose of making the government pure and 
efficient, but not for the purpose of taking it out of the 
hands of parties as an instrument of policy. It was 
a reform which he perceived could not be brought on 
upon a sudden impulse, but must be worked out through 
the processes of politics as they stood. 

It was his conduct of administration and his attitude 
towards Congress rather than large questions of policy 
or of party management that held the attention of the 
country thir-'niilioul the four years of his term. The 
House kept its Democratic, the Senate its Republican 
majority, and party 1 ' ’ ' ' • -was still out of the ques- 

tion. All energy and initiative seemed for the time 
summed up in the President. His quality was as un- 
mistakable as General Jackson’s, and yet he had none 
of General Jackson’s blind impetuosity or mere wilful- 
ness. His individuality was the more marked because 
he stood apart from the houses as a power set to check 
and criticise them. He had never been a member of a 
legislative bodj’-. From first to last his experience in 
public service had been that of an executive officer. 
He held very literally, therefore, to the theory that Con- 
gress and the President were not so much associated 
as offset in the structure of the government, and was 
inclined to be a strict doctrinaire in the exercise of 
a complete independence of congressional suggestion. 
What most attracted the attention of the country, aside 
from his action in the matter of appointments to office, 
was the extraordinary number of his vetoes. Most of 
them were uttered against pension bills great and 
small. Both Democratic House and Republican Senate 
were inclined to grant any man or class of men who 



had served in the federal armies during the civil war 
the right to be supported out of the national Treasurj", 
and Mr. Cleveland set himself very resolutely to check 
their extravagance. He deemed it enough that those 
who had been actually disabled should receu^e pensions 
from the government, and regarded additional gifts, 
for mere service, both an unjustifiable use of the public 
money and a gross abuse of charity. When the Senate 
sought to revive against him the principles of the Tenure 
of Office Act, which had been passed to thwart Mr. 
Johnson but suffered to lie forgotten so long as Re- 
publicans were in the presidency, and inquired into 
his reasons for certain removals from office, he met it 
with an assertion of his constitutional rights as Execu- 
tive as imperative as General Jackson would have ut- 
tered, and put that matter once for all at rest. Both 
houses learned to respect his intelligence, his conscience, 
his imhesitatuig will with a touch of fear such as they 
had felt towards no other President they could remember. 

The new tenor of reform and of individual responsi- 
bility he had brought into affairs seemed in some meas- 
ure to touch Congress also and to dispose it to apply 
itself to important matters of business which had too 
long waited to be dealt with, and which could be handled 
without partisan heat. The most important of these 
was the establishment of a fixed order of succession 
to the presidency, in case of the death or disability 
of both the President and the Vice President. A bid 
amending the law in that matter had been formulated 
in the Senate as long ago as the summer of 1882, and 
since that time had twice been adopted by the Senate; 
but the House had failed to concur. As the law stood 
the succession fell to the president pro tempore of the 

181 . 


Senate or, if he could not act, to the Speaker of the 
House of Representatives. But there were times, fall- 
ing between the sessions of a Congress whose term had 
expired and the sessions of the Congress chosen to suc- 
ceed it, when there was neither a president pro tempore 
of the Senate nor a Speaker of the House. There had 
been such a season while Mr. Arthur was President. 
There had been an anxious summer when, had death 
or serious disability overtaken him, there would have 
been no one to take up the duties of the chief office of 
the nation. Another season of the same sort came 
during the very first year of Mr. Cleveland’s presidencjn 
Mr. Hendricks, who had been chosen Vice President 
with Mr. Cleveland, died in November, 1885, and there 
was a brief hiterval during which there was no one be- 
tween the President and a legal lapse of the presidential 
functions. At its first session, therefore, the Congress 
which had been chosen at the time of Mr. Cleveland’s 
election passed an Act which placed the heads of the 
executive Departments in the line of succession, in the 
order of the creation of their several offices, should they 
possess the qualifications of age and of birth within 
the United States prescribed by the constitution in 
respect of the President and Vice President : the Secre- 
tary of State, the Secretary of the Treasurj^ the Secre- 
tary of War, the Attorney General, the Postmaster 
General, the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of 
the Interior, the Secretary of .\cir' (January 
18, 1886); and a matter of much anxiety was happily 

The leaders of the two parties were at last ready also 
to agree upon a final settlement of the mode of counting 
the electoral votes. It was manifestly imperative that 



the recurrence of such a situation as had been brought 
about in 1876 by the double electoral returns from South 


Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana should be prevented 
by some provision of law which should determine once 
for all whence the authoritative and final decision should 
emanate as to the validity of disputed votes, but not 



until now had the heat of that contest been sufficiently 
dispelled to enable politicians to come to an agreement 
in the matter. An Act became law on the 3d of Feb- 
ruary, 1887, which provided that the decision should 
rest with the States themselves from which the votes 
came, and Congress should undertake to judge of mat- 
ter in dispute only when there was in any State such 
a conflict between two tribunals of appeal as made it 
necessary" that some outside authority should intervene. 
In such a case the decision of the houses should be reach- 
ed by concurrent resolution. It took much debate and 
many conferences to frame the law to the satisfaction 
of both houses; but it was felt at last that agreement 
was necessary, and all sensible men hailed the result 
with gratification. 

There were questions also of business and of economic 
relief wffiich the houses found it possible to -agree upon 
before Mr. Cleveland’s term w^as out. By an Act of the 
4th of February, 1887, knowm as the Interstate Com- 
merce Act, railway corporations operating lines which 
passed from one State to another were forbidden to 
maVp discriminations in their rates as between different 
shippers or to enter into any combination with com- 
peting companies for the purpose of sharing earnings 
or of “pooling” freight receipts in a common fund to 
be proportionally divided; and a commission of five 
persons, to be appointed by the President, was con- 
stituted which was given very extensive judicial and 
mandatory powers for the enforcement of the Act. In 
the following year an Act was passed which excluded 
Chinese immigrants from the United States. The 
Interstate Commerce Act had been introduced by Senator 
Reagan, of Texas, so long ago as 1884, and had been 



pressed for three years before obtaining majorities in 
both houses. Its advocates spoke in the mterest of 
the farmers and of all small shippers, — of all who had 
felt the power of the railways a burden upon them. 
It was not disputed that the railway companies had 
granted lower rates of carriage to the greater manu- 
facturers and producers whose shipments were large, 
or that they had favored one section of the country 
at the expense of another; and it was manifest that 
their discriminations had fallen very heavily upon 
small farmers and men in the smaller ways of trade 
and manufacture. There was decided satisfaction 
throughout the country, therefore, that steps had at 
last been taken to protect the rank and file. The law 
which excluded Chinese immigrants had been passed 
at the urgent solicitation of the men of the Pacific coast. 
Chinese laborers had poured in there, first by hundreds, 
then by thousands, finally by hundreds of thousands, 
imtil the labor situation of the whole coast had become 
one almost of revolution. Caucasian laborers cordd 
not compete with the Chinese, could not live upon a 
handful of rice and work for a pittance, and found them- 
selves being steadily crowded out from occupation 
after occupation by the thrifty, skilful Orientals, who, 
with their yellow skin and strange, debasing habits 
of life, seemed to them hardly fellow men at all, but 
evil spirits, rather. For years together the laborers 
of the coast and all who wished to aid them had 
demanded of Congress the exclusion of the Chinese. 
Failing of aid from that quarter, riot had become their 
almost habitual means of agitation and self-defence,— 
riot which sometimes went the awful length of whole- 
sale slaughter in wanton attacks upon the Chinese 

VOL V— :4 ,0,. 


quarters of the towns. San Francisco had found the 
matter a veritable menace to government itself. Con- 
gress had passed an exclusion bill in 1879, but Mr. Hayes 
had vetoed it. Negotiation with China had been tried, 
but she had refused to agree to the exclusion of her 
people by her own act and consent ; and an end was 
at last made of the matter by the Act of 1888. 

Such Acts were but the first fruits of radical economic 
changes and the rapid developments of trade, industry, 
and transportation. The laborers and men whom 
great combinations of capital were in danger of crush- 
ing or driving to the wall were making themselves more 
and more heard and heeded in the field of legislation. 
The Knights of Labor, who but the other day had num- 
bered only a few more than a hundred thousand, now 
mustered six hundred thousand strong. "What was 
more significant, airs, not of agitation merely, but of 
anarchy also were beginning to stir, in a country which 
until now had been known and envied the world over 
as a land in which men reverenced “ the laws themselves 
had made," acted under government as under their 
own self-control, and kept opinion always within the 
paths of peace. The cities were filling up with foreigners 
of the sort the Know Nothings had feared; men who 
had left their homes dissatisfied not merely with the 
governments they had lived under but with society itself, 
and who had come to America to speak treasons else- 
where forbidden. F or many a long year their incendiary 
talk had fallen without effect upon the ears of working- 
men in America, and politicians had been wont to boast 
that men bom in America and men trained in America’s 
school of labor and politics would never listen to it. 
But the air of the industrial regions of the coimtry had 



sensibly thickened with the vapors of unwholesome 
opinion in these last years of unlooked for concentra- 
tions of capital and imparalleled growths of corporate 
power. They still showed themselves most in cities 
where discontented men and women out of the proletariat 
of European coimtries most congregated. The country 
had startling evidence of the strength and audacity 
of the anarchist leaders in a great meeting held in May, 
1886, in the Haymarket at Chicago, which seemed part 
of a concerted plan not only to preach hut also to practise 
defiance of law, and which ended in the most serious 
conflict with the police an American city had ever wit- 
nessed. But the infection was spreading outside the 
cities, too. It began to be seen, when once the matter 
was laid bare, that men of American training, as well 
as foreigners, had begun to take the taint of anarchistic 
sentiment. Even the Knights of Labor were touched 
with it, despite the conservative influence of their leaders, 
and nothing but the sharp reaction of opinion caused 
by the Chicago riot, the country through, checked its 
quiet spread. Vast organizations like that of the 
Knights of Labor held loosely together at best; 
anarchism is the negation of organization; and in pro- 
portion as it became anarchistic the great order suffered 
disintegration and decay. A new order, the American 
Federation of Labor, sprang up to take its place, and 
the scene changed very rapidly as one agitation suc- 
ceeded another. But no one could say that the scene 
grew more quiet or gave hopeful signs of peace as it 

To Mr. Cleveland it had become evident that not a 
little of the economic trouble of the time had its root 
and source in the operation of the tariff. There, it 





seemed to him, lay the foundations of those economic 
preferences of one set of men or one section of the coun- 
try over another which were so deeply irritating the 
farmers of the South and West, the laborers of the cities 
and of the centres of manufacture, and the advocates 
of free competition. Protective tariffs deliberately ex- 
tended the favors of the government to particular under- 
takings ; only those who had the capital to take advan- 
tage of those favors got rich by them; the rest of the 
country was obliged to pay the costs in high prices 
and restricted competition. Such had time out of mind 
been Democratic doctrine, and every sign of the times 
seemed a demonstration of its truth. But not every 
man who called himself a Democrat accepted that creed. 
The Democratic party had been out of power for twenty- 
four years ; the war had broken its ranks and confused 
its principles ; there were men in it now who would never 
have been in it had it been, that long generation through, 
a party of action instead of merely a party of opposition. 
Notable among such men were Mr. Samuel J. Randall, 
of Pennsylvania, and the group of members who stood 
with him in the House of Representatives. These men 
were avowed protectionists, and Mr. Randall had from 
1876 to 1881 been the acknowledged congressional leader 
of his party. He had during those years been Speaker 
of the House, and by consequence master of its action in 
all points of le Leadership in that kind passed 

away from him when Mr. Cleveland became President in 
1885, and Mr. Carlisle, of Kentucky, became Speaker, 
a Democrat of the older type; but Mr. Randall’s power 
was not gone. He still, it turned out, held the balance 
of power and controlled the action of the House in the 
matter of the tarift. Both in the Congress which pre- 



ceded Mr. Cleveland’s election and in that which followed 
it Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, had introduced proposals for 
the reform of the tariff which were neither radical nor 
disregardful of vested interests, and had pressed them 


upon the House with arguments which lacked neither 
force nor the backing of opinion out of doors. An in- 
creasing surplus was being steadily piled up in the 
Treasury; the rates of duty which yielded the redundant 
revenue had been laid in time of war to meet extraor- 
dinary expenses; many of the articles which carried 

,190 . 


the burden of the tax were necessary to people of every 
rank and economic condition, notably wool and woollen 
goods; relief could be obtained by reductions which 
were not likely to damage any industry, or to deprive 
it of any advantage which it was not abimdantly able 
to dispense with. But Mr. Randall led some forty 
Democrats, who sat for constituencies in Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, New York, California, and New Jersey, who 
voted against every reduction, by whatever argument 
supported, and the rest of the party, though they num- 
bered one hundred and fifty strong, could carry nothing 
against them. 

It was this situation which Mr. Cleveland determined 
to change, if plain speaking could change it. In Decem- 
ber, 1887, he addressed to the new Congress chosen in 
1886 a message which passed all other subjects by and 
spoke only of the tariff. He asked Congress to put 
theoretical questions for the nonce aside. “Our prog- 
ress towards a wise conclusion,” he said, “ will not be 
improved by dwelling upon the theories of protection 
and free trade. ... It is a condition which confronts 
us, — ^not a theory. . . . The question of free trade 
is absolutely irrelevant.” “Our present tariff laws, 
the vicious, inequitable, and illogical source of un- 
necessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and 
amended,” not only, he maintained, because unused 
revenue was piling up, but also because consumers 
were carrying an unjust burden. The message ran 
strong, imperative in every sentence, and the air was 
cleared upon the instant. It was the only voice of cour- 
age and decision that had been heard upon that matter 
in a generation; and Mr. Randall’s minority fell into 
line as if confused. They had felt the compulsion of a 



leader’s will, — were not converted, but disciplined. 
The Committee of Ways and Means of the House, under 
the leadership of ]\Ir. IMills, of Texas, its chairman, at 
once prepared a bill which attempted a systematic re- 
vision of duties, general though not radical, a measure 
not of free trade but of carefully" planned, conservative re- 
duction such as the President had desired; and it passed 
the House with only four Democratic votes cast in the 

The Republican Senate rejected it,— even proposed 
higher duties in its stead ; and the existing law stood una- 
mended. But the issue had been made up. Mr. Cleveland 
had given his party a distinct, unmistakable policy with 
wliich to go to the country in the presidential campaign 
of 1888. It accepted the issue under protest ; but it ac- 
cepted it. Mr. Cleveland had not taken counsel with the 
congressional leaders of his party before uttering his im- 
perative message; had asked advice, indeed, of no one; 
had acted wholly upon his o\ra conclusions as to what 
was necessarj^ for the relief of the countrj^. His action 
in the matter had filled the leading politicians of his 
party with dismay, its rank and file with confusion. 
He had been warned that to attack the protected inter- 
ests of the country might cost liim his re-election ; but 
that consideration had not moved him. He believed 
that his party could win upon such an issue at the polls, 
but he would not wait to make any nice calculations 
on that subject; he would at least do his party the service 
of putting it in the right. The country relished his 
courage, whatever timid politicians thought of it. He 
stood for the moment the indisputable master of all 
action within the Democratic party. Its nomioaliiu; 
convention nominated liim as of course for a second 





term. The Republicans nominated General Benjamin 
Harrison, of Indiana, grandson to William Henry 
Harrison, whom death had taken untimely away to 
make Mr. Tyler President; and the two parties went 
to the country on the issue Mr. Cleveland had made. 

The Democrats were defeated. The popular vote 
for Mr. Cleveland, indeed, exceeded that for his opponent 
by some one hundred and ten thousand, but Mr. Har- 
rison had a majority of sixty-five in the electoral college 
(233-168). New York and Indiana had turned again 
to the Republicans. No northern States except Con- 
necticut and New Jersey had voted for the Democratic 
candidates. Even the control of the House of Rep- 
resentatives was lost by the Democrats; the congres- 
sional elections gave the Republicans a working majority 
of about twelve. The tariff system had come to seem to 
that generation of voters very like a fixed part of the 
law of society, of the national life itself ; Mr. Cleveland 
had not given them time enough to adjust their thought 
to the change he urged. There had been nowhere any 
sharp reaction of opinion, but everywhere in the North 
reaction enough to shift the balance of power once again 
from the Democrats to the Republicans. 

On the 4th of March, 1889, Mr. Cleveland quietly 
gave place to Mr. Harrison and the government passed 
once more in all its branches into the hands of the party 
which had made the policy of the last twenty-eight 
years. But it was not the same government it had been 
when that party met its first serious check in 1875. 
It had steadied the judgment of the coimtry in respect 
of parties to have a Democratic President for four years, 
and that President a man like Mr. Cleveland, compact 
of frankness, conviction, and force, no mere partisan 



but a man of the people, with the spirit of service strong 
upon him. The people had for a long time endured the 
deterioration of affairs under the later Republican ad- 
ministrations because they doubted the capacity and 
the principle of the Democrats They had now learned 
at least that a change of parties in the administration 
meant no jeopardy to the government itself. The 
choice between parties had become once more a choice 
between policies merely, and affairs wore a normal 
aspect again, — such an aspect of peace and businesslike 
quiet as they had not worn since the painful shock of 
the Kansas-Nebraska Act. One by one the statutes 
which had marked the era of war and reconstruction 
had disappeared from the statute book: some because 
annulled by the Supreme Court, others by expiration, 
still others by repeal. Even the Tenure of Office Act 
had been quietly repealed after Mr. Cleveland's refusal 
to submit his reasons for removals to the Senate’s 
scrutiny and review. 

In 1888 the legislature of Massachusetts had adopted 
a method of balloting at elections borrowed directly 
from Australia, indirectly from England itself, which, 
as it spread from State to State, gave a noteworthy 
impetus to the purification of elections. The main 
features of the reform were, the facilitation of inde- 
pendent nominations for office outside fixed party lines, 
the official printing of the ballots to be used, their dis- 
tribution to the voters only by sworn officers of election, 
and the isolation of the voter while ] preparing his ballot, 
in order perfectly to protect his privacy and indepen- 
dence. Opinion approved the change at once, and 
legi.'^latuie after legislature hastened to adopt what 
opinion unmistakably demanded. It was one of the 



signs of the times. Opinion was slowly freeing itself 
as much as possible not onlj" from the older party 
prejudices, but also from the too inquisitive manage- 
ment of politicians. 

The foreign affairs of the government stood as they 
had stood when Mr. Cleveland came into office. The 
hostility of the Senate to his administration had ren- 
dered it impossible for him to bring any matter of negotia- 
tion to a satisfactory conclusion. The only matters 
of capital importance it had fallen to him to consider 
had concerned the fishing rights of the United States 
on the two coasts of the continent. Dissatisfied with 
the operation of those clauses of the Treaty of Wash- 
ington which dealt with the Canadian fisheries. Congress 
had instructed the President in 1883 to give the required 
notice to Great Britain of the desire of the United States 
to abrogate them, and on the 1st of July, 1885, pursuant 
to Mr. Arthur's notice, they had gone out of effect. In 
February, 1888, under Mr. Cleveland, a new treaty re- 
garding the fisheries had been ■ but the Sen- 

ate had rejected it. The question which arose on the 
other side of the continent concerned the rights of the 
United States over the seal fisheries of the north Pacific. 
The United States claimed that the purchase of Alaska 
from Russia in 1867 had brought with it the right to 
protect the seals of Bering Sea against capture or de- 
struction, having brought with it exclusive jurisdiction 
over that sea. England denied the right and the juris- 
diction; but the government passed out of Mr. Cleve- 
land's hands before the matter could be brought to a 
definitive formulation and issue. It passed to Mr. Har- 
rison along with all other pending questions of policy 
and administration. 



Authoyities now begin to grow scarce. Mr Edward Stanwood's 
History of the Presidency still affords an excellent sketch of political 
conditions , Edward McPherson's Handbook of Politics still records 
the chief political happenings ; ]Mr Francis Newton Thorpe brings 
his Constitutional History of the United States down through this 
period , Appleton's invaluable Annual Cyclopaedia makes careful 
record of events , and the more serious magazines of the country, 
such as The Atlantic Monthly, The Noith American Review, The 
Forum, The Nation, The New Princeton Review, The Political 
Science Quarterly, and the Quarterly Journal of Economics furnish 
reviews and discussions of almost aU the principal public trans- 
actions of the time The New Princeton Review contains an ex- 
haustive Record of Events (1885-1888), which, after 1888, is con- 
tinued in The Political Science Quarterly, in which The N etc Prnice- 
ioTi was merged. Mr S S Cox^ s Three Decades of Federal 

Legislation covers the years down to 1885 , ]VIr Hugh McCulloch's 
Men and Measures of Half a Century runs a little way into the 
period of this chapter ; Mr. John Sherman's Recollections of Forty 
Years %n House, Senate, and Cabinet covers all of it, and the col- 
lected Works of Mr. George William Curtis shed excellent light on 
many of the more serious questions of the times Mr. John Clark 
Ridpath has prepared The Life and Works of James A Garfield 
in such a way as to afford some guidance in the history of the time. 

Mr. A, S. Bolles's Financial History of the United States (to 
1885), IMr Carroll D. Wright's Industrial Evolution of the United 
States, Professor F. W Taussig's Tariff History of the United 
States (to 1883) and Silver Situation in the United States, and 
Mr David A. Wells's Recent Economic Changes are our chief au- 
thorities on matters fiscal, financial, and economic, Mr. C. Juglar 
has written A Brief History of Panics, Mr. H. Lambert a sketch 
of The Progress of Civil Service Reform in the United States; 
Mr. C. B Elhott a recital of the principal facts with regard to The 
United States and the Northeastern Fisheries; and ]\Ir. Eugene 
Schuyler a treatise on American Diplomacy, which is an excellent 
manual of the larger international concerns of the country. Mr. 
Henry Jones Ford's Rise and Growth of American Politics, Mr. 
Lauros G. McConachie's Congressional Committees, and Miss M. P. 
Follett's Speaker of the House of Representatives still serve us in 
explaining congressional influence and procedure and party action. 

The sources here, as in the last chapter, are The Congressional 
Record, the various series of Documents published by House and 
Senate, the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, the Statutes 
at Large, and the newspapers and other periodicals of the time. 




Mr. Harrison entered office amidst signs of a new 
age. The Republican party which had put him forward 
was not the Republican party of the war and of recon- 
struction but the Republican party of the new day of 
industrial revolution. Old questions had fallen out 
of sight or were transformed by changes in the nation 
itself; new questions pressed for solution which had 
in them no flavor of the older passion of party politics. 
Mr. Cleveland's four years of office had altered many 
things. For the mass of voters they had altered the 
very principle of choice between parties. That choice 
turned now once again upon questions of the day, not 
upon the issues of a war long ago fought out or of a 
reconstruction of southern society which politicians 
had touched only to mar and embarrass. A full cen- 
tury had gone by since the government of the nation 
was set up. Within that century, it now began to ap- 
pear, fimdamental questions of governmental structure 
and political authority had been settled and the country 
drawn together to a common life. Henceforth matters 
were to be in debate which concerned the interests of 
society everywhere, in one section as in another, 
questions which were without geographical boundary, 
questions of the modern world, touching nations no 



less than communities which fancied themselves to lie 

And yet a new sectionalism Began to show itself, 
not political, but economic. In 1890, for the first time, 
the census takers found it impossible to trace upon their 
maps anj’- line which marked the front of settlement 
between the Mississippi and the rising heights of the 
Rockies. Hitherto there had always been a “frontier” 
within the body of the continent, a line along which 
ran the outposts of settlement, and beyond that, be- 
tween the newest settlements and the slopes of the 
Pacific, a well defined space as yet tmpeopled. But now 
such regions had lost their definite outlines. Here 
and there were yet vacant spaces, some of them, it might 
be, as extensive in area as a great State : some tract of 
desert, some region which promised neither the fruits 
of the earth nor hidden wealth of minerals; but for the 
rest population had diffused itself so generally that 
frontiers had disappeared and the differences between 
region and region seemed little more than differences 
in the density of population. And yet there were lines 
of separation, none the less, which no census taker 
could draw but to which statesmen of necessity gave 
heed, which were as significant as anything the older 
maps had shown. The careful student of economic 
conditions might almost have made a sketch upon the 
map of the new divisions of the country, — divisions of 
interest: those most fundamental of all differences, 
differences in the stage of development. Any observant 
traveller might remark them as he moved from the 
teeming eastern seaports into the West or South. From 
the Atlantic seaboard to the Mississippi and the great 
lakes there stretched, north of Mason and Dixon's line, 



a region substantially homogeneous in all the larger 
interests of trade and industry, not unlike European 
countries in the development of its resources and the 
complex diversification of its life; but beyond it, to the 
west and south, lay regions and communities of another 
kind, at another stage of development, agricultural, 
for the most part, up to the very ridges of the Rockies, 
or else set apart to some special interest like that of 
mining or of cattle raismg on the great scale. Through- 
out all the vast continent, to the east of the Mississippi 
as to the west, contrasts were, indeed, modulated; 
hardly anywhere was the transition sharp from one set 
of social and economic conditions to another. But, 
taken upon the large view, they were very great, veiy 
radical, very significant, openly prophetic of differences 
of opinion and of interest. 

Settlement had crossed the continent, but always 
with a thin and scattered front, its masses neither homo- 
geneous nor imiform, its processes hasty, imperfect, 
crude untd the third or fourth generation. In many 
places settlers were yet but in the first generation. Line 
after hne to be found upon the decennial maps of the 
census office, to mark the frontier of fixed settlement 
decade by decade, was still to be traced in differences 
of habit and development between community and 
community from east to west, not yet effaced by the 
feet of those who had crossed them to make homes be- 
yond. Communities were still maldng and to be made. 
Conditions as if of a first day of settlement, conditions 
such as had once existed upon the coast of the Atlantic 
in the far-away days of the first colonies, conditions 
which had been shifted generation by generation from 
east to west across the whole breadth of the great con- 



tinent, were still to be observed in hastily built towns 
at the far West, upon broad cattle ranches, in rough 
mining villages, in new regions upon the vast western 
plains where the plough had but just begun to break 
the surface of the virgin land into fruitful furrows. 
The land itself, by reason of its own infinite variety of 
character and resource, commanded changes of life and 
diversity of occupation. There were broad tracts of 
country which w’ere entirely without cities or centres 
of population or any industr3^ which b>''Lii;bi men to- 
gether in intimate co-operative groups, tracts given over 
by nature to the farmer and the grazier. There were 
States where communities sharplji- contrasted in life 
and motive were set side by side, to the sore perplexity 
of those who sought to make their laws and reconcile 
their interests : placer mines which poured the refuse of 
their operations down the slopes of the western moun- 
tains upon smiling farms which they were like to ruin ; 
towns perched high within the peaks of the towering 
Rockies, where precious metals were to be found, which 
yet lay within the same political boundaries with keepers 
of sheep and cattle in the plains below; centres of trade 
and of manufacture, lying upon some great watercourse 
or by the coasts of the western ocean, which seemed 
hardly more than huge trading posts on the routes of 
commerce from east to west, from west to east, so little 
intimate part did they have in the life of the rural 
people amidst whose prairie farms or broad orchards 
of fruit they were set. 

It was these differences, this lack of homogeneity, 
this diversity of habit, interest, and point of view which 
had begun to tell upon the politics of the country with 
the ending of the war and of the processes of recon- 



struction, and which now began to be decisive in the 
formulation of party programmes. The South, witi-^ the 
passing away of slavery and of the leadership of the 
greater landholders, bred m an elder school of politics, 
had become like the newer regions of the West in motive 
and opinion. It, too, was predommantl}^ agricultural. 
Its farmers were not the aristocratic planters of the el- 
der society which the war had destroyed, but were for the 
most part men of the class from which xYndrew Johnson 
had come . plain men who did not stand for the old tradi- 
tions, who had not themselves owned slaves and who 
had felt none of the esprit of privilege that had ruled 
affairs in the days gone by; men as new in politics, as 
new in political thinking and constructive purpose, 
as much bound within the narrow limits of their own 
experience as the men of the western farms. Any one 
who noted how the tenets of the Farmers’ Alliance and 
the new and radical heresies with regard to money 
took root there could see how the South had in fact 
become itself a new region in all that touched its so- 
cial organization and its political thinking, a region 
as it were of recent settlement and late development 
so far as aU the new order of the nation’s life was 
concerned. Errors of opinion began to prevail there, 
as in the new regions of the West, like those which 
had swept through the crude colonies in the unquiet 
days which preceded and followed the War for Inde- 
pendence : hopes that the credit of the government itself 
might in some manner be placed at the disposal of the 
farmers in the handling and marketing of their crops, 
demands for a "cheap” currency, of paper or of silver, 
which should be easier to get and easier to pay debts 
with than the gold which lay so secure in the vaults 



of the banks and of the federal Treasury. The com- 
munities from which such demands came lay remote 
from the centres of trade where men could see in the 
transactions of every day what the real laws of credit, 
of value, and of exchange must always be, whether 
legislators would have them so or not. Moreover, 
thej" felt profoundlt^, though vaguely, the economic un- 
easiness of the time, the novel power of the railways 
to determine markets and prices and of profit, 

the rising influence of great aggregations of capital 
in the controlling industries of the country, the prov- 
idential oversight of banks and of those who made 
the arrangements of credit and exchange. Every 
farmer, every rural shopkeeper and trader, every man 
who attempted manufacture upon a small scale felt at 
a cruel disadvantage, and, letting his thoughts run only 
upon his own experience and observation, dreamed of 
bettering his chances by an abundant issue of at least 
the cheaper of the two monetarj?- metals by the govern- 
ment itself, in order that bankers and capitalists might 
no longer keep poor men in bondage. 

It was the rise and spread of such opinions that the 
Republicans, now once again in power, in Congress 
as in the presidency, had to face. There was as good 
reason for the apostles of the new radicalism to hope 
to establish themselves in the counsels of the Republican 
party as to hope to control the action of the Democrats. 
Republican constituencies were touched with the new 
heresies, in many parts of the country, as sharply as 
Democratic constituencies, and the one party was not 
more expressly committed than the other against the 
policies proposed. The Whigs, from whom chiefly 
the Republicans took their political lineage, had stood 



always for a sound and stable currenc}-; but so also 
had the Democrats, with their unbroken party historj^ 
since the days of Mr. Jefferson himself. The difference 
between them had been hardly more than this, that 
the Whigs wished to use the instrumentality" of a national 
bank in the management of the public finances, while 
the Democrats, rejecting a bank, had sought to make 
the Treasury in all things mdependent of private busi- 
ness interests. The Democrats had sought to break 
all connection between the federal government and the 
banks, but they had never thought to touch the credit 
of the country with the hopeless demoralization of a 
depreciated and fluctuating currency by any imprudent 
law of comage or by any substitution of a body of paper 
issues for the accepted monetary metals General 
Jackson had come perilously near to wrecking the whole 
fabric of credit in order to put all payments to the govern- 
ment upon a gold basis. No doubt it was the ques- 
tionable decisions of the Supreme Court of the United 
States in the legal tender cases which had opened the 
minds of politicians to rash experiment in the field of 
financial legislation. Those decisions justified the gov- 
ernment in making its own mere promises legal tender 
in the payment of both public and private debts. The 
immense issues of the war time w’^ere made in their 
reasoning to seem compatible with the ordinary proc- 
esses of public finance. Legislators got a novel and 
misleading sense of power in the creation of values. 
The country was ready to believe that such measures 
as the Bland Silver Bill of 1878, passed through Con- 
gress by votes drawn from both parties, might come 
from either party, should the movement of opinion in 
that direction but grow strong enough. The Demo- 



crats, it might be, stood nearer to the mass of the peo- 
ple m such matters, and undoubtedly drew their chief 
strength from the West and South, where the new opin- 
ions showed themselves strongest and most aggressive ; 
but the Republicans, though they drew their support 
chiefly from the industrial and commercial centres of 
the countrj", showed also an uneasy fear lest they should 
seem to fail to meet popular doctrine half way. The}" 
were not loath, observers began to remark, to play to 
the populace upon occasion. 

That impression was not a little strengthened by 
the action of the new Republican Congress. In mid- 
summer, 1890, an Act was passed which put the coinage 
of silver and its use as a medium of exchange on a new 
footing, but which by no means reversed the policy of 
the government or turned away from experiment. It 
in set terms repealed the Bland Act of 1878, and it put 
a limit of one year upon the continued coinage of the 
silver bullion purchased by the Treasury; but it did 
not discontinue the purchase of silver by the govern- 
ment. It provided that the Treasury should each month 
purchase four and a half million ounces of silver at its 
market price; that the bullion thus bought should be 
paid for in Treasurj" notes of the United States; that 
after July i, 1891, the silver purchased should no longer 
be coined, except so far as might be necessary in order 
to supply the Treasury with coin enough to redeem 
its notes ; that the notes issued in payment for the bullion 
should be legal tender in the satisfaction of all debts; 
and that they should be redeemable in either gold or 
silver at the discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury. 
The Act declared it to be “the established policy of the 
United States to maintain the two metals at a parity 



with each other ” at a fixed ratio determined law. It 
was with a view to maintaining their parity that the 
Secretary" of the Treasury was bidden use his discretion 


in the redemption of the notes, being expected to see to 
it that the one metal was not suffered wholly to supplant 
the other, or that the one should not be made more dif- 
ficult to obtain than the other. Mr. John Sherman, the 



honored senator from Ohio, a man whom business men 
the country over looked upon as a careful student of 
affairs, and particularly of public finance, had fathered 
the measure. It was a significant political sign of the 
times that he should thus take jiart in an effort to give 
silver an artificial value, despite the movement, the irre- 
sistible movement, of the market. The ratio of value be- 
tween gold and silver fixed b5" statute was not the ratio 
fixed by the law of supjrly and demand. The price of 
silver rose a little at first, under the influence of the Act, 
but it could not be kept up. The law of supply and 
demand was not checked in its operation. It governed 
the value of the metal as of all other things bought and 
sold. The statutes of no single government could set 
the efficacy of that law aside. The experience of the 
one-time monetary union of the Latin countries of Eu- 
rope seemed to make it unlikely that even international 
agreement in matters of coinage could keep the values 
of the two metals to a fixed and stable ratio. Mr. Sher- 
man and his colleagues both in House and Senate must 
have been conscious that thej’’ were playing to the gal- 

All policy came, as in General Grant’s daj^, as in 
Jolmson’s day, from the leaders of Congress. Mr. 
Harrison did not possess the gifts of leadership. A 
man of unquestionable character and gifted above 
most of his predecessors with the power to think and 
speak clearly, impressivelj", and to the point upon every 
public issue, a man of culture, thoughtfully read in 
affairs and trained b}’" long experience in the public 
service, he utterly lacked personal charm and the power 
either to persuade or to please the men about him. His 
manner was cold and distant ; he seemed neither to give 



nor to invite confidence. A cool air of orderly routine 
seemed always to pervade the executive chambers of 
the White House. It was not a place of intimate coun- 
sel where leaders conferred, but a place, rather, where 
the public duties of the President were performed in a 
sort of d 1,0 And seclusion. There was a pleasing in- 
dependence in the way m which Mr. Harrison showed 
his good conscience and careful diligence m affairs, but 
no warm impulse came from him which the leaders in 
Congress felt constrained to reckon with. The legis- 
lative acts of the majoritj’- showed, consequently, no 
single informing purpose. Rank and file were appar- 
ently looking for safe ground rather than framing sys- 
tematic and consistent policies. 

The question of the tariff held the chief place of at- 
tention in debate. Before the close of May, 1890, the 
House, under the leadership of Mr. William McKinley, 
the chairman of its Committee of Ways and Means, 
had passed a new tariff Act, considerably : ic ‘o', 
the protective duties, especially upon w^ool and woollen 
goods. The tariff had been the chief issue upon which 
the elections of 1888 had turned, at which the Repub- 
licans had won their majority. Mr. Cleveland had 
made the issue by his unexpected, outspoken -li, "Uci 
of December, 1887. The Republican leaders deemed 
their victory at the polls a sort of mandate not merely 
to maintain but also to strengthen the system of pro- 
tective duties; and the Ways and Means Committee 
of the House had made it its first task to prepare a bill 
which should satisfy the expectations of the country. 
The House accepted the bill after but two weeks of debate. 
The Senate kept it all summer under consideration 
and so altered it before finally adopting it in September 
V.— 14 209 


that a conference between the two houses became nec- 
essary before an agreement could be reached; but by 
October i it had become law. It had passed by a strict 
party vote in each House. Even members of the Re- 
publican majorit}’ had had uneasy misgivings as thej' 
watched the movements of opinion out-of-doors. It 
was not certain that they had not won in the elections 
as much because IMr. Cleveland had disappointed some 
of his independent supporters by proving himself more 
of a party man than they cared to be as because he had 
demanded a revision of the tariff. There was at least 
candor and a definite party purpose in what the new 
majority had done, however. Their party was once 
more unequivocally committed upon one of the chief 
questions of the day. 

It was growing from year to year more and more 
difficult to calculate, more and more difffcult to guide 
the movements of opinion. The new age of growth 
which had followed the war showed a quickened pace 
of change. The years 1889-1890 saw six new States 
added to the roster of the Union ; North Dakota, South 
Dakota, Montana, Washington, Idaho, and Wyoming, 
and thoughtful men perceived how significant a thing 
it was that but five Territories remained in aU the broad 
continent, with scattered Reservations here and there in 
the farther West, set apart for the redmen. In 1889 the 
government had purchased of the tribes even a part of 
the Indian Territorj^ which laj’’ vdthin the circle of 
Kansas, Arkansas, and Texas, to be thrown open to 
white settlers, — the fairest portion of it, Oklahoma, the 
Beautiful Land which laj?’ almost at its heart; and all 
the country had heard how mad a rush there had been 
across its borders to secure its coveted acres. A host 



of settlers fift\’ thousand strong had encamped upon its 
very boundarj' lines to await the signal to go in and 
take possession. At noon on the 22d of April, 1889, at 
the sound of a bugle blown to mark the hour set by the 
President’s proclamation, the waiting multitude surged 
madly in, and the Territory" was peopled in a single day. 
It was the old, familiar process of first occupation and 
settlement carried out as if in a plaj", the storj^ of the 
nation's making m a brief epitome. Its suddenness, 
its eagerness, its resistless movement of excited men 
marked in dramatic fashion the end of the day of set- 
tlement. The best parts of the contment, save isolated 
Reservations here and there, were taken up; and the 
stream of population was dammed at their borders only 
by the barriers of law. When the}^ were removed it 
would spring forward like a flood. 

The census of 1890 showed the population of the 
countrj’' increased to 62,622,250, an addition of 12,466,467 
within the decade. Immigrants poured steadil3’ in as 
before, but with an alteration of stock which students 
of affairs marked with uneasmess. Throughout the 
century men of the sturdy stocks of the north of Europe 
had made up the main strain of foreign blood which was 
every year added to the vital working force of the coun- 
trj^, or else men of the Latin-Gallic stocks of France 
and northern Italjr; but now there came multitudes of 
men of the lowest class from the south of Italy and men 
of the meaner sort out of Hungary and Poland, men out 
of the ranks where there was neither skill nor energy 
nor any initiative of quick intelligence ; and they came 
in numbers w^hich increased from 3^ ear to year, as if 
the countries of the south of Europe were disburdening 
themselves of the more sordid and hapless elements 



of their population, the men whose standards of life 
and of work were such as American workmen had never 
dreamed of hitherto. The people of the Pacific coast 
had clamored these many years against the admission 
of immigrants out of China, and in Maj^ 1892, got at 
last what they wanted, a federal statute which prac- 
tically excluded from the United States all Chinese 
who had not already acquired the right of residence; 

and yet the Chinese were more to be desired, as work- 
men if not as citizens, than most of the coarse crew 
that came crowding in every year at the eastern ports. 
They had, no doubt, many an unsavory habit, bred 
unwholesome squalor in the crowded quarters where 
they most abounded in the western seaports, and seemed 
separated by their very nature from the people among 
whom they had come to live; but it was their skill, their 
intelligence, their hardy power of labor, their knack 
at succeeding and driving duller rivals out, rather than 
their alien habits, that made them feared and hated 



and led to their exclusion at the prayer of the men they 
were likely to displace should thej* multiply. The 
unlikelj’ fellows who came in at the eastern ports vrere 
tolerated because they usurped no place but the ver}" 
lowest in the scale of labor. 

The 3’ear of the ilcKinlei^ tariff and of the Sherman 
Act for the purchase of silver had brought fresh con- 
gressional elections, and after that there had been no 
more important part}- legislation. The Chinese ex- 
clusion Act had been no party measure, but a concession 
which both parties were willing to make to the opinion 
of the Pacific coast. The elections of 1890 had created 
in the House, instead of the slender Republican majority 
of a dozen votes, a Democratic majority of close upon 
one hundred and fifty. The tide was beginning to 
nm which in 1892 swept the Republicans altogether 
from power. Once agam, for the third time, when it 
came to the nomination of presidential candidates, the 
Democrats nominated Air. Cleveland; for a second time 
the Republicans nominated Air. Harrison ; and the 
result of the elections of 1888 was reversed. The popular 
vote for Ah. Cleveland exceeded that for Air. Harrison 
by less than three hundred thousand in a total vote 
of more than twelve million, but the turning about of 
opinion had been singularly widespread. Every State 
accounted doubtful in its choice between parties had 
given its electoral vote to Air. Cleveland, and his minority 
of sixty-five in the electoral college of 1888 was turned 
into a majority of one hundred and ten. Colorado, 
Nevada, Oregon, Idaho, North Dakota, and Kansas 
had cast their votes for the candidates of the People’s 
party. In most of those States the Democrats had 
nominated no presidential electors; they had satisfied 




themselves with '-appoviiim the growing People’s party, 
pleased if by any means the}' might discomfit the Re- 
publicans and half inclined to accept the opinions of 
their new allies in preference to the opinions of their 
owm leaders. 

The Peoples partj^ which the newspapers of the 
countrv^ promptlj^ dubbed ''Po2oulist/' had put forth a 
platform which demanded that the federal government 
should Itself acquire the ownership of all railways, 
telegraphs, and telephones, that the free coinage of 
gold and silver at the ratio of sixteen to one should be 
accorded b}^ law', that a graduated mcome tax should 
be established, postal savings banks created, and all 
lands held by aliens, or by corporations in excess of 
their needs, reclaimed, — a radical programme which 
jumped w'ith.the humor of hundreds of thousands of 
workingmen and farmers the country over. It was 
noted how' universal a defection there was from the 
Republican ranks in the West. Those w'ho knew how 
opinion moved there said that even those w'ho had voted 
for the Republican electors and the Republican nominees 
for Congress had done so rather out of habit or conserv- 
ative temper or the hope that time and the influences 
of opinion would bring their leaders to a creed and policy 
like that of the advocates of free coinage and of govern- 
mental restrictions upon the railway's and upon organ- 
ized capital than because they still believed in the doc- 
trines professed from of old by their party. 

There was apparently no reason why they should 
not entertain the hope, at least wfith regard to the coin- 
age. The platforms of both the Republican and the 
Democratic no‘ifi”.a'intr conventions spoke very strongly 
for the continued use of both gold and silver as money 



and for some arrangement which should, maintain them 
at an equality in value, and the language -which they 
held in the matter might without too much ingenuity 
be made to square with almost any policy. The Re- 


publican platform spoke of the use of both the metals 
“with such restrictions and under such provisions, 
to be determined by legislation, as will secure the main- 
tenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that 
the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, 
whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times 

VOL. V .— 16 : 


equal.” The Democratic platform spoke of making 
the units of the coinage of the two metals ” of equal 
intrinsic and exchangeable value, adjusted through 
international agreement or b\^ such .''afi. u uaixK of legis- 
lation as shall ensure the maintenance of the parity of 
the two metals and the equal power of every dollar at 
all times in the markets and in the pajnnent of debts.” 
No doubt experiment was in the air and radical experi- 
menters might, if they w'ere but shrewd and persistent 
enough, gain control of either party as opinion made 
head. After the party conventions had met and spoken 
(July 1, 1892) the Republican Senate passed a bill which 
provided for the free coinage of all silver brought to 
the mints, the repeal of the Sherman Act, and the coin- 
age of all the bullion purchased under its terms. The 
Democratic House declined to consider the bill, by a 
vote of 154 to 136, but rather, it was suspected, be- 
cause its leaders thought it prudent to await the result 
of the presidential election than because there lacked 
advocates of free coinage enough to pass it. 

For the moment Democratic advocates of "free sil- 
ver” stood embarrassed by their candidate. Before the 
nom!naii'Ui conventions had met Mr. Cleveland had 
spoken his mind very clearly, very positively, as was 
his wont, upon the monetar}’- question. He had given 
out for publication a brief letter which spoke in terms 
which no one could possibly mistake against any such 
tampering with the standards of value as the People's 
party and their secret partisans within the Democratic 
and Republican ranks desired. His personal friends 
had wished him to make no public announcement of 
his views, had begged him not unnecessarily to commit 
himself upon a question upon which his nomination 




might turn; but he load rejected their counsel with a 
sort of scorn and had uttered his conviction in the matter 
with that fearless decision and that unequivocal way 
of speech which the country most admired in him. He 
had been nominated, nevertheless, taken upon his 
own terms, and the country’s knowledge of his con- 
viction m that critical matter had probably saved his 
party the discreditmg suspicion which the fusion of 
Democrats with Populists upon the Pacific coast might 
have brought upon it. 

The coimtrj" had never needed a man of his fibre 
more. It had reached a sharp crisis of opinion, and 
crises in affairs followed fast which no man without 
courage and steadfast character could have swung 
the government clear of. The four years w’-hich followed 
Mr. Cleveland's second election were among the most 
remarkable years of peace the country had ever seen. 
Disorders of the most serious character, alike in busi- 
ness and in politics, had within that brief space their 
sharp culmination; foreign questions of the most delicate 
and critical kind unexpectedly arose; society itself 
seemed upheaved by forces which threatened it with 
lasting injury; and amidst parties which seemed with- 
out leadership or cohesion the President alone stood 
firm and spoke definite counsel. 

The Democrats had come into power again upon 
a definite issue, the issue to w^hich Mr. Cleveland had 
given such sharp definition in his famous message of 
1887, the issue of the tariff. Upon no other matter 
so much as upon that had the voting turned; upon 
no other matter did the Democrats bear so immistak- 
able a commission from the countrj^. But Mr. Cleve- 
land saw that the matter which called first and most 




imperatively for action, was the financial situation of 
the government and of the coimtrj^ The financial 
experiments of the last fourteen years had begun to 
bear fruit m abundance. There were outstanding 
some five hundred million currency notes of the gov- 
ernment which It was obliged upon demand to redeem 
in gold; and 3"et even when once redeemed they were 
not cancelled. The law directed that they should be 
issued again, to come back once more, if their holders 
chose to present them, to be redeemed in gold. Gold 
was constantlj’’ demanded, and m immense sums which 
seemed to grow ominousty from quarter to quarter, not 
only for profitable export and to pay foreign balances, 
but also as a safe fund against what might happen 
when the crash should come which every observant man 
feared to be at hand. The government was obliged by 
the Sherman Act of 1890 to buy four and a half million 
ounces of silver every m.onth and paj" for them in notes 
which the Secretary of the Treasur}’- knew that he must 
redeem in gold on demand if he would keep panic off 
So soon as the government ceased paying in gold the 
artificial “parity” between gold and silver which the 
laws sought to maintain would be destroyed; silver 
would, in effect, become the only standard of values, 
the only medium of exchange; every piece of property 
in the country, tangible or intangible, would lose half 
its value; and credit would collapse. And yet how 
could the government keep itself supplied with gold? 
Very few of its debtors were obliged to pay in that coin ; 
it could replenish its diminishing stock only by bor- 
rowing, and could borrow only by the issue of bonds 
made payable “in coin” of which lenders might well 
grow shy as they saw politicians grow less and less 




firm in their resistance to the demands of the advocates 
of the free coinage of silver. 

It was clear enough what Air. Cleveland thought 
and intended, but it was by no means clear that Con- 
gress would willingly lend him its aid. He led a party 
in which silver advocates abounded, men who hved re- 
mote from the seats of trade and knew nothing of its 
law's. It w'as not certain that the Republicans were 
any stiffer in their resistance to the pressure of radical 
opmion in the matter of the coinage. What might 
happen when it came to actual legislation by Congress 
who could foresee? Early in Jime, 1893, Mr. Cleve- 
land announced his purpose to call Congress together 
in extraordinary session for the consideration of the 
finances. On the 26th of June the authorities of India 
closed their mints to the free coinage of silver, and the 
price of the metal dropped as it had never dropped before. 
On the 30th of June the President summoned Congress 
to meet on the 7th of August. The silver mines of the 
West were promptly closed, and thousands of miners 
were thrown out of employment, to be taken care of 
and become a serious menace to order in the nearby 
cities, into w^hich they crow^ded hungry and forlorn. 
The greatest excitement prevailed in the West. Be- 
fore Congress assembled conventions of the advocates 
of silver had been held in Denver and Chicago which 
protested vehemently against Mr. Cleveland's evident 
intention to have the law which obliged the Treasury 
to purchase silver set aside, and declared that he was 
acting in concert with the eastern bankers to thrust 
silver altogether out of use as money. They demanded 
that, should the Sherman Act be repealed, the free coin- 
age of silver should be substituted. When Congress 




silver group within his party, but felt bound, as the par- 
ty’s official leader in matters of legislation, to give the 
President all the support the authority of the speaker- 
ship could afford. Mr. Cleveland asked for a single, 
specific act of relief, the repeal of the purchasing clause 
of the Sherman Act of 1890, and IVIr. Crisp held together 
as he could the members who were inclined to meet the 


assembled it was noted that the ordinary party lines 
seemed for a little while almost to disappear. The 
advocates of silver coinage acted together in both houses 
without regard to their differences upon other subjects, 
and acted with the ardor of men who serve a cause. 

Mr. Crisp, whom the House chose Speaker, was of the 



crisis as the needs of the Treasury seemed to demand 
Public opmion out of doors pressed uncomfortably, 
too. Panic had ahead}’' come m the money market, 
and the business of the countr}’- was suffering the con- 
sequences. A repealmg bill was introduced on August 
llth, and on the 28th was passed, b}' a vote of 240 to 
no, so sensitively did the House feel the airs of opmion 
and the necessity for actmg in good faith with the Presi- 
dent for the relief of the Treasure". But the Senate 
would make no such show of compliance. There the 
silver men mustered so strong that it was not clear un- 
til the autumn had come that a majorit}^ for repeal could 
be obtamed at all, and every’' delay known to the leisure- 
ly rules of the body was made use of to hold action off. 
Meanwhile the country’ took the consequences. Credit 
collapsed; loans could nowhere be obtained; the very’ 
currency’ seemed to disappear, being hoarded and kept 
out of the currents of trade in such extraordinary quan- 
tities that those who needs must have it were obliged to 
pay’ a premium for its use and the banks used clearing 
house certificates in its stead. Failure followed failure 
The very processes of manufacture stood still. Busi- 
ness men knew not what to do. The business of the 
country was sound; its resources were untouched. 
There had been no speculative flurries, no irregular 
operations that could justify panic or impair confidence. 
Nothing w’as a'wry’ except the public finances : men could 
not be sure of the value of the money they handled. 
It was not certain that the government would not put 
all exchanges upon the silver basis. The worst was 
over before the Senate acted. Business of sheer neces- 
sity recovered its tone; and ■when at last, at the very 
end of October, the repeal became law, trade and manu- 



facture began to stir again with reassuring evidences 
of returning life. 

But the results of panic and failure were not staj^ed. 
A Treasury report of the 19th of October showed a fall- 
ing off in the revenues, as compared with the estimates, 
during the preceding three months, which would mean, 
if continued, a deficit of $50,000,000 for the fiscal year. 
Every industry was slackened, imports had fallen off, 
foreign capitalists were ivk’ . ■ ■ their investments. 
It was hardly a propitious time at which to undertake 
a revision of the tariff. The Democrats were pledged, 
nevertheless, to undertake it. That was the onh’- reform 
to which they were explicitly pledged; they had ma- 
jorities in both houses, and Mr. Cleveland was Presi- 
dent. The financial legislation most immediately and 
imperatively needed was out of the way, and the field 
was apparently clear before them. They could not 
face the country again upon the tariff issue should 
they fail to redeem their promises m the matter of the 
reduction of the duties. The House Committee on 
Ways and Means had begim the preparation of a tariff 
bill during the special session at which the battle against 
the purchase of silver had been fought out, and before 
the time set for the regular session of December had 
made public the terms of the measure they meant to 
propose. In the House there was little difficulty in 
pressing it to its n;. - -a .c. Reported early in January, 
it had passed by the 1st of February, together with an 
internal revenue bill meant to make good the estimated 
reductions in the receipts at the ports. It was a genuine 
measure of reform. It proceeded upon the principle 
that the raw materials of manufacture ought for the 
most part to be entirely freed from duty; that there 



should be throughout the whole list of dutiable articles 
as considerable a reduction of duties as a prudent regard 
for vested interests would permit ; and that duties should 
be ad valorem rather than specific in order that the burden 
of the consumer might in every case be clearly calculable. 
Coal, iron ore, and sugar were put upon the free list. 
The internal revenue bill associated with the revision 
embodied, as its chief features, a tax upon incomes 
and an increased excise on distilled spirits. 

The trouble came, as before, in the Senate. There 
the disintegration of the Democratic party was evident 
as it was not evident in the House. Senators allowed 
themselves to be attached to particular interests, put 
party pledges aside very lightly, acted like men who 
had forgot the compulsions of political principle and 
played each for his own benefit. Before the measure 
got out of their hands they had altered it almost beyond 

'■> ! They had put in once more an elaborate 

schedule of duties on sugar, had taken coal and iron 
ore from the free list, had changed ad valorem duties to 
specific, and had all through the bill made alterations 
which increased the rates of duty proposed by the House, 
each senator exerting himself, as it seemed, to secure 
protection or advantage for the industries of his own 
State. The average rate of duty under the McKinley 
Act had been about 50 per cent. ; the House bill had 
reduced it to about 35^2 ; the changes made in the Senate 
increased it to about 37. It was not the general in- 
crease of rates effected in the Senate that held the at- 
tention of the country so much as the very noticeable 
activity of a group of senators in the interest of the 
sugar manufacturers and dealers. There was mani- 
festly no thought of either party interest or public duty 




in what they did^ they were acting in some private in- 
terest, it was to be feared upon some private motive, — 
were heedmg, not their party leaders, but the repre- 
sentatives of a particular mdustry who had obtamed a 
hold upon them which could not be shaken. Their 
headstrong, stubborn rejection of political obligations 
wrecked the Democratic programme and utterly dis- 
credited their party. The House, m despair of getting 
anything better, accepted the mutilated bill which came 
from their hands (August 13, 1894), and the President 
suffered it to become law without his signature. 

The internal revenue Act, with its provision for an 
income tax, had gone through both houses as a part 
of the tariff measure; but it stood as law only nine 
months. The income tax w'as at once challenged in 
the federal courts, test cases were hurried to a conclusion, 
and on the 20th of May, 1895, the Supreme Court declared 
it unconstitutional. It was a reversal of former deci- 
sions. A tax upon incomes had been among the innu- 
merable taxes adopted to support the war for the Union, 
and the court had then deemed the tax permissible. 
But it now took another position. The tax w^as, it said, 
a direct tax ; the constitution provided that direct taxes 
should be apportioned among the several States in pro- 
portion to their population; and, inasmuch as this tax 
was not so apportioned, it was imconstitutional. With- 
out the income tax the deficit caused by the reductions 
of duty just effected could not be made good, and the 
financial position of the government became more dif- 
ficult than ever. There was not likely to be revenue 
enough to meet the expenditures, which Congress had 
voted as lavishly as if the Treasury were full to over- 



The repeal of the silver purchasing clause of the 
Sherman Act had only in small part relieved the em- 
barrassments of the Treasury. There was still the 
unending difficulty of maintaining the gold reserve, 


the “ endless chain " of Treasury notes coming in to 
be redeemed in gold and immediately paid out again 
to be presented at their holders' pleasure for more gold, 
always being paid for and yet never redeemed. The 
President, in a special message of the 28th of January, 

231 : 


1895, very earnestly requested Congress to authorize 
the Secretary of the Treasury to sell bonds for the re- 
plenishment of the gold reserve which should be ex- 
plicitly pa^mble m gold at their maturity and therefore 
sure of sale at a handsome premium, and also to au- 
thorize the retirement of the notes, instead of their re- 
issue, upon redemption, in order to stop in part at least 
the hiroads upon the reserve. But the houses would do 
nothing. The advocates of silver coinage were strong 
enough hi both houses to block what legislation they 
chose, and regarded ]\'Ir. Cleveland as their arch oppo- 
nent. They would allow nothing to be done to relieve 
the embarrassments of the administration. 

For the first time since the war for the Union, for the 
first time in thirty-two years, the Democrats controlled 
both houses and the presidency ; and yet Mr. Cleveland 
seemed like a President without a party. Some at- 
tributed it to his lack of tact, his aggressive indepen- 
dence in action, his too confident initiative, his way of 
using his power as if he w'ere under no obligation to 
his party associates to consult or consider them. He 
did, in fact, hold upon occasion very strictly to the literary 
theoiy of the constitution, the theory which the makers 
of the constitution had accepted from M. Montesquieu. 
He regarded the legislative and executive departments 
of the government as by intention set apart from each 
other and meant each to exercise an independent judg- 
ment and discretion in the performance of the duties 
which fell to it, co-operating, indeed, but not compomd- 
ing, not parts of a party system, ministry and majority, 
but the balanced checks of a carefully devised mechanism 
of legal action. He had never had the point of view 
with regard to executive functions which is natural to a 



member of a legislative body. As maj’or, as governor, 
and as President, he had always conceived it his fimc- 
tion to check legislative action rather than guide it, had 
thought of himself always as an administrative officer, 
not as a party leader. It wms noticeable that he made 


Up his cabinets upon that theory. In his first cabinet 
there had been men like Mr. Thomas F. Bayard, of 
Delaware, Mr. Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, 
Mr. W illiam F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, and Mr. Don M. 
Dickinson, of Michigan, who had been chosen in ac- 
cordance with well recognized precedents in such mat- 
ters: because of their service in party counsels; but 
the rest were men, so far as might be, of his own per- 
sonal selection, whom he chose, not for their influence 


aiiLoiig politicians or in political canvass, but because 
he knew their efficiency as men of business. In his 
second cabmet the element of personal choice was still 
more noticeable. The Secretary of State had been a 
distmguished federal judge, and had been in the cabinet 
of jMr. Arthur,— had but the other day turned from 
his former Republican associates to support i\L:. Cleve- 
land, a fresh recruit m the Democratic ranks. The 
Secretary of War had in his previous administration 
been Mr. Cleveland’s private secretary. The Post- 
master General had been his partner m Buffalo m the 
practice of law. The Attorney General was one of 
the leaders of the bar of Massachusetts, no politician, 
a great lavn^er merely. The President’s object was to 
surround himself, not vith a party council, but with 
capable heads of departments. 

No doubt he seemed to members of his party in Con- 
gress a trifle too separate and absolute He did not 
seem to regard it as any part of his constitutional busi- 
ness to be forever iirranging agreements between the 
Executive and the houses. He held to a ver}^ strict 
principle of duty in every matter upon which he was 
approached, dk.:- his connection with his party 
in some sense broken or suspended so long as he was 
President, in order that he might serve the coimtry 
as a whole without any too sensitive scruples as to the 
effect of his decisions upon coming elections. It was 
inevitable, since he held himself so and swung free 
of party advice when he pleased, that he should seem 
to put his ovTi judgment above that of the cu "’•ic" 
who approached him. Sometimes he would patiently 
confer, persuade, and come to terms of agreement; but 
at other times he would decline with a noticeable touch 



of impatience to take any part in the arrangement of 
legislative plans, and in effect bid members of the houses 
go their own wa,y while he went his. 

But his action in such matters grew out of the situa- 
tion in which he found himself as much as out of his 
theor}^ with regard to his office and his natural teni- 


perament in dealing with men who did not act upon 
fixed conviction, as he did, but rather upon considera- 
tions of political or personal expediency. His party 
was in fact going to pieces and turning away from him, 
under the compulsion of forces over which he had no 
control. The business of the country had fallen dull 
and inactive because of the financial disquietude of 
the time. A great poverty and depression had come 



upon the western mining regions and upon the agricult- 
regions of the W' est and South. Prices had fallen , 
crops had failed. Drought swept the western plains 
clean of then golden harvests. Farmers in the dis- 
tricts most stricken could not so much as buy clothes 
for their backs, and went clad in the sacks into which 
they would have put their grain had they had any, 
their feet wrapped about with pieces of coarse sack- 
cloth for lack of shoes. Men of the poorer sort were 
idle everywhere, and filled with a sort of despair. All 
the large cities and manufacturing towns teemed with 
unemployed workingmen who were with the utmost 
difficulty kept from starvation by the systematic efforts 
of .V.' ' ’ charity. In many cities public works 
were imdertaken upon an extensive scale to give them 
employment. In the spring of 1894 "armies of the 
unemployed" began to gather in the western country 
for the purpose of marchmg upon Washington, like 
mendicant hosts, to make known to the government 
itself, face to face, the wants of the people. The dra- 
matic plan seems to have been originated by one Coxey, 
of hlassillon, Ohio, who announced that he would lead 
an "Army of the Commonweal of Christ" to Washing- 
ton to propose that the government issue $500,000,000 
in greenbacks to be paid out for work upon the public 
roads, in order that the country might at one and the 
same time be supplied with serviceable highways and 
abundant money. On the 25th of March he actually 
set out, and by the 1st of May was at the capital. A 
hundred men began the journey with him, and their 
ranks had swelled to three hundred and fifty by the 
time they entered Washington. They made no dis- 
turbance. Most of the tmvns and villages on theii 



way supplied them with food, partly out of charitable 
good humor, partly in order to speed them on their way 
and be quit of them, lest they should linger or grow ugly 
in temper; good natured sympathizers and men who 
wished to see the comedy plaj^ed out subscribed funds 
for their most urgent needs. The painful farce was 
soon over. Their errand of course came to nothing. 
Thej’' reached Washington to find that there was noth- 
ing that they could do, and dispersed. But their ex- 
ample was imitated with less harmless results. Other 
" armies ” gathered, in more sullen mood, to take their 
turn at marching and living upon the country as they 
went. Some started from the faraway coasts of the 
Pacific. Railway trains were seized to afford them 
transportation across the mountains and across the long 
plains where marching would be most painful, tedious, 



and unprofitable. Countrj^-sides experienced a sort oi 
panic at their approach. It began to seem as if there 
were no law or order in the land. Society itself seemed 
demoralized, upset. 

It was in such an atmosphere that political opinion 
altered, that parties dissolved and were reconstituted 
with many a novel purpose of reform. And yet the 
President moved in all matters which it fell to him to 
act upon with a vigor and initiative which made the 
years memorable. Strikes had been added to the other 
disturbances of the time. From April until June, 1894, 
a strike of the bituminous coal miners, two hundred 
thousand strong, threatened to embarrass the indus- 
tries of the whole country. Manj’ manufacturing 
establishments were obliged to close for lack of fuel. 




Some of the railways seized the coal which they were 
carrying as freight for use in feeding the fires of their 
locomotives. On the llth of May a strike of the em- 

ployees of the Pullman Car Company, of Chicago, began 
which presently became a very formidable affair. The 
strikers and their sympathizers mustered in dangerous 
numbers and made concerted effort to prevent the use 
of the cars of the Pullman Company by any of the rail- 



waj^s running out of Chicago. Their violence seemed 
about to stop all traffic on the western roads, and JVIr. 
Cleveland intervened. The governor of Illinois had 
not asked for his aid, had not even called out the militia 
of the State to mamtain order and protect property,— 
sympathized, mdeed, with the strikers and resented 
interference. Neither had the federal courts acted 
or asked for assistance in the execution of their writs. 
jMr. Cleveland deliberately took the initiative and as- 
sumed the responsibility, on the ground that the strikers 
were preventing the movement of the mails and blocking 
the course of interstate commerce, and that the carrying 
of the mails and the protection of commerce between 
the States were mdisputable duties of the federal govern- 
ment. He ordered federal troops to the points of great- 
est violence and danger, and, when their mere presence 
and mere action as armed police did not suffice to check 
the mobs that aided the strikers, he issued a proclama- 
tion which practically declared the disturbed regions 
in a state of insurrection and threatened merciless action 
against all rioters as against public enemies. Order 
was restored and the law prevailed again. 

In foreign affairs ]\'Ir. Cleveland exhibited the same 
firmness and decision, and had given the coimtry a 
touch of his quality at the verj’- outset of his term of 
office. One of his very first acts had been to withdraw 
from the docket of the Senate the treaty which Mr. 
Harrison had submitted to it for the annexation of the 
Hawaiian Islands to the United States. That treaty 
was the culminating transaction of a singular revolu- 
tion. The Hawaiian Islands were subject to a sovereign 
queen whose power had been reduced by constitutional 
changes to the merely administrative function of exe- 




cuting the laws passed by a representative chamber, to 
which, and not to herself, her ministers were responsible. 
Property and political power in the Islands had, by 


processes which seemed to change the very character 
of the kingdom, come chiefly into the hands of foreign- 
ers; and in January, 1893, the queen determined to pro- 
mulgate, upon her own sole authority, a new constitu- 
tion which should deprive them of the suffrage and 

Vi-i6 ■ 241 


bring the legislature again under the control of the 
croATO. The foreigners at Honolulu, the capital, chiefly 
Americans, at once bestirred themselves to defeat her 
purpose and get the goA^ernment mto their OAvn hands, 
and the resident minister of the United States lent them 
his open aid. Marines and pieces of artillery Avere or- 
dered on shore from a United States man-of-AA'ar lymg 
in the harbor; tmder their protection a revolutionary 
proA’isional goA'emment AA^as set up AA'hich thrust the 
queen aside " until terms of union AAuth the United States 
had been negotiated and agreed upon ” ; and on the 
l6th of Februarjq 1893, but a little more than tAVO Aveeks 
before the expiration of his term as President, Mr. Har- 
rison hurried a message to the Senate "'ibi' an 

annexation treaty and recommending its ratification. 
Meantime, on the 9th of February, the minister of the 
United States at Honolulu, acting AAnthout instructions, 
had proclaimed a protectorate of the United States over 
the Islands. 

On the 4th of March ?\Ir. Cleveland assumed the pres- 
idency, and promptly AAuthdreAA^ the treaty. A com- 
missioner AA’as at once despatched to HaAvaii to ascertain 
the full facts of the extraordinarj'^ transaction, and 
on the 1 8th of December, 1893, the President submitted 
his report to Congress, accompanied by a message in 
Avhich he emphatically repudiated and condemned 
Avhat the minister of the United States had taken it 
upon himself to do in the name of his government to 
put the revolution afoot. Had the displaced queen 
consented to a general amnesty and security of rights 
as the condition of her restoration, as Mr. Cleveland 
proposed, he Avould have undertaken to undo Avhat the 
minister had done; but she would consent to no terms 




whatever, and all things stood as thej’ were, in the hands 
of the provisional government, self-constituted and 
born of revolution. 

Eighteen months elapsed, the countr\^ saw the anx- 


ious summer of 1894, another ■punter brought the Treas- 
ury of the United States once again within sight of an 
exhaustion of its supply of gold, and then (July-Decem- 
ber, 1895) a question of foreign policy came under the 
President’s hand which might have embroiled two kin- 
dred nations in a great war. Once more the singular 
energy and decision of Mr. Cleveland’s character were 


made evident, and the country was thrilled. For year 
after year through a long generation the English gov- 
ernment had disputed with the government of Venezuela 
the western boundary line of British Guiana. From 
stage to stage of the controversy the line of the British 
claims had been pushed forward. Again and again, 
through one administration after another, the govern- 
ment of the United States had used its good offices to 
brmg the controversy to a pacifiic and satisfactory con- 
clusion. Ever since the famous declaration of Mr. 
Monroe, in 1823, it had been understood that the gov- 
ernment of the United States would make it its business 
to see to it that no European power extended its dominion 
or acquired fresh territory in the Americas. It had not 
undertaken to maintain an actual formal protectorate 
over the South American states, but it did frankly un- 
dertake to act as their nearest friend in the settlement 
of controversies with European nations, and no Presi- 
dent, whether Republican or Democratic, had hesitated 
since this critical dispute concerning the boundaries 
of British Guiana arose to urge its settlement upon 
terms favorable to Venezuela. The government at 
London had put settlement off, had frequently shifted 
its ground in the controversy, had always spoken of 
moderation, and yet had conceded nothing, had refused 
arbitration and yet had proposed no terms which it 
w'as possible for the Venezuelan government to accept. 
Endless irritation had led to no issue, and the matter 
seemed without term or solution when Mr. Cleveland 
uttered the word that concluded it. Earnest and re- 
peated representations to Lord Salisbury having proved 
of no avail, Mr. Cleveland sent to Congress on the 17th 
of December, 1895, a message in which he set forth 



in unmistakable language what he believed to be the 
duty of the United States in the protection of Venezuelan 
rights. He had urged arbitration upon Lord Salis- 
bury, as the most equitable, indeed the only possible, 
means of settling so old and so tangled a controversy ; 


Lord Salisbury had declined arbitration and every set- 
tlement except that which conceded the full claims of 
England; it -was necessar}?-, therefore, the President 
declared, that the government of the United States 
should ascertain for itself the merits of the controversy, 
and, having reached a conclusion, insist upon its ac- 
ceptance at whatever cost. 



A thrill of intense excitement and enthusiasm shot 
through the country. Neither house of Congress was 
any longer of the President’s party. The autumn 
elections of 1894 had replaced the heavy Democratic 
majority of 1892 by a Republican majority of one hun- 
dred and forty in the House of Representatives, and 
radical reversals of the majorities in the States had 
given the Senate also once more into the hands of the 
Republicans. But the houses forgot party differences 
in their eager and instant response to the President's 
Venezuelan message. Within three days after its 
receipt money had been voted for the commission of 
inquiry for which he asked, and all the world was ap- 
prised how ready the Congress was to support the Presi- 
dent to the very utmost in his new and vigorous assertion 
of the Monroe doctrine. Thoughtful men knew very 
well how grievous a thing it would be to see the two kindred 
nations which stood so hopefully together at the front 
of the world’s progress come to the awful grapple of 
war; no liuhi-mindcd man in his senses wished to see 
so signal a catastrophe, least of all the President himself. 
He was a man of peace ; but he deemed peace to be rooted 
in justice and feared it to be impossible with a nation 
which rejected the friendly offices of arbitration in a 
case Uke this that had arisen. He had in mind, too, 
the peculiar relations which the government over which 
he presided had always borne to the states of South 
America in respect of their dealings with the nations of 
Europe, and knew that he could not in fidelity relax 
the rigor of the principle upon which it had these seventy 
years been its avowed policy to act. It was that, his 
assertion of the Monroe doctrine in a new aspect, with 
a new dignity, even if with a new rigor, that caught 


the almost passionate enthusiasm of the country, and 
made war unnecessary. Lord Salisbury yielded; the 
dispute was submitted to arbitration; and Mr. Cleveland 
had a great triumph. He had exposed a hidden ques- 
tion to the public opinion of two nations, and that opin- 
ion had supported him and rebuked Lord Salisbury. 

Mr. Cleveland pushed his belief in arbitration far 
beyond the individual instance. In the spring of 1895, 
Mr. Gresham, then Secretary of State, had suggested 
to Her Majesty's government a general treaty of ar- 
bitration in which the two governments should pledge 
themselves to submit all serious matters of dispute that 
might arise between them to settlement by an impartial 
outside tribunal; the sudden heat of the Venezuelan 
controversy quickened the desire on both sides of the 
water to carry the plan mto execution ; and on the iith 
of January, 1897, the President had the satisfaction of 
seeing such a treaty completed and signed. But the 
Senate rejected it. Mr. Cleveland's term of ofSce came 
to an end within two months after the exchange of 
signatures, and a Republican President succeeded him 
while the treaty pended. The new President urged the 
treaty upon the Senate as he had urged it, but it was 
rejected, notwithstanding. The Senate would not bind 
tlie government to submit its interests in all cases to 
the decisions of an outside tribunal, and the careful 
diplomatic work of two governments went for nothing. 

Those closing days of the Democratic administra- 
tion were darkened by perplexities of foreign policy 
essentially more serious and difficult to handle than 
any that were likely to arise between the govern- 
ments of the United States and Great Britain. The 
difficulties of Spani^li rule in Cuba were growing in- 



tolerable. Sharp insurrection had broken forth there in 
the spring of 1895., It was but seventeen years since 

the last uprising in the island, which had lasted the 
ten years 1868-1878, and which had been brought to a 
conclusion only by promises of radical reform in the 




Spanish administration. Those proimses had not been 
kept. The reforms instituted had proved delusive. 
The island was taxed to the uttermost farthing for the 
support of the army and na'vy and of the host of Spanish 
officials who throve as placemen in the innumerable 
offices of administration. The suffrage that had been 
granted the native inhabitants and the privileges of 
self-government which had been accorded them were 
effectually offset by laws wliich really put their affairs 
at the disposal of the Captain General who was their 
governor; and men who were not withm the circles of 
official influence complained that they could get no 
privilege, enforce no right, even, which they did not 
pay for in hard cash. A mere petty fraction of the in- 
tolerable taxes they paid was expended upon the pub- 
lic works of the island itself. There seemeci no way 
of reform except by revolution, and no hope even in rev- 
olution unless its object were absolute mdependence. 
The Spanish government met the msurrection with sav- 
age measures of suppression. In January, 1896, Don 
Valeriano Weyler ivas made governor and Captain 
General of the island, and proceeded to take measures 
of repression which shocked the humane sense of all 
civilized peoples looking on. Finding that it made no 
end of resistance merely to harry the country with its 
fastnesses of forest, swamp, and mountain, he began 
to destroy every village and habitation of the insurrec- 
tionary districts and to drive the women and children 
who inhabited them into camps of ‘ concentration, 
where they might be kept under guard and surveillance 
and held off from giving succor or intelligence to the 
in.surgents, in order that the country might be empty 
and without homely shelter; and he did not take the 



precautions of mere prudence and mercy which were 
necessarj? to keep fatal diseases and pitiful starvation 
out of the camps, but let the poor creatures huddled 
there live for the most part as they could. 


Opinion moved very uneasily in the United States 
at sight of such things and the President had no mind 
to ignore them. No one could pretend that it was, or 
that it ought to be, a thing indifferent to the United 
States to have chronic rebellion and suffering thus per- 
petuated from year to year in a populous island lying 



at their very doors, to which their people were closely 
bound by trade and all the intimate intercourse of neigh- 
bors. Fatal fevers had again and agam crossed the 
narrow waters out of Cuba to the southern ports of the 
United States because the Spaniards would not look to 
the proper sanitation of the great towns which lay by 
the island’s harbors, and these distempers of revolu- 
tion seemed as ill to take the wind of as the fevers them- 
selves. Mr. Cleveland spoke very gravely in his annual 
message of December, 1896, of the necessity of In Imc a.: 
affairs in Cuba to a final pacification and adjustment. 
“It cannot be reasonably assumed,” he said, “that 
the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States 
will be indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious 
to accord all due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, 
we cannot view the pending conflict in all its features 
and properly apprehend our inevitably close relations 
to it, and its possible results, without v'(>’i-idtri'i'.: that 
by the course of events we maj’' be drawn into such an 
unusual and unprecedented condition as will fix a limit 
to our patient uniting for Spain to end the contest, 
either alone and in her own way, or with our friendly 
co-operation.” The phrases were guarded but the mean- 
ing was plain. Spain must come to some terms of 
accommodation with her Cuban subjects or the United 
States must intervene. Every private effort of negotia- 
tion had been made to bring peace and concession; 
the government’s words of protest began now to be 
spoken aloud and before the world. 

It was not yet time to act, and the guidance of action, 
should action become necessary, must fall to other 
men. The end of Mr. Cleveland’s anxious term was at 
hand. He left his great office as if with a sense of relief. 



His party had turned away from him. For two years 
he had carried the burdens of the government alone 
The Republican houses elected in 1894 would do nothing 
more to make his tasks possible than the Democratic 
houses had done. Again and again he had asked 
their assistance in the relief of the Treasury, to protect 
the gold reserve and steady the business of the country. 
Plan after plan had been matured by the Secretary 
of the Treasury, Mr. Carlisle, and the President had 
sought by every possible means to serve thoughtful 
opinion and right purposes of reform with regard to 
the finances. But Congress would accept nothing 
that he proposed. He had been left to come to what 
agreements he could with the great bankers of Wall 
Street for the protection and replenishment of the gold 
reserve, they alone being able, without legislation, to 
assist him in that matter. He was obliged to bargain 
with them like any other borrower to obtain the gold 
the Treasury needed and control the draughts the banks 
in their turn made upon it. The strain of the responsi- 
bility had been grievous to bear • the whole fabric of credit 
seemed to rest upon the foundations which he kept so 
laboriously in repair, and the months seemed very long 
while the doubtful work went on. When the end came 
he felt that he had earned his rest and quiet retirement. 

The elections of 1896 had shown, in a fashion the 
country was not likely to forget, the volcanic forces 
which had been kept but just beneath the surface while 
he was President. The issue which had dominated all 
the rest was the question of the coinage. But that 
question did not stand alone. It seemed, indeed, but a 
single item in the agitated thought of the time. Opinion 
everywhere seemed to have broken from its old moor- 


ings. There had been real distress in the country, 
long continued, hopeless, as if the springs of wealth 
and prosperity were dried up. The distress was most 
marked and apparentlj^ most hopeless in the great 
agricultural areas of the South and West. The prices 
of agricultural products had fallen so low that universal 
bankruptcy seemed to the farmers to be but a little way 
off. There was a marked depression in all kinds of 
business, as if enterprise were out of heart and money 
nowhere to be had except among a few great capitalists 
in Wall Street. Men’s minds anxiously sought the 
cause, and each man reasoned upon it in the hght of 
his ovm observation and experience, taking his views 
of matters which lay beyond his own life from the poli- 
ticians who spoke most plausibly of public affairs. 
Every established relationship of law and of society 
fell under question. Did not the law too much favor 
the combinations of capital by which small dealers 
and producers were shut out of the markets? Were 
the courts not on the side of those who had privilege, 
and against those who had none? Were not the rail- 
ways the real masters of the producer everywhere, able 
to make or to unmake him by their charges and dis- 
criminations? Was not money scarce because the 
government would issue none that was not kept to the 
standard of gold, itself too scarce, too artificially costly 
to be made the universal medium of exchange? 

The money question was but one of the innumerable 
questions that crowded into -men’s minds in that time 
of agitation, but it seemed the question which lay at 
the centre of all the rest, and it more than any other 
gathered passion about it. Men do not think with 
cool detachment about the financial questions which 



touch their very means of subsistence. They were 
easily persuaded that money would be more plentiful, 
for the individual as for the nation, if scarce gold were 
abandoned as the exclusive standard of value and abun- 
dant silver substituted, so that there should be metal cur- 
rency enough for all, and they were easily beguiled to 
dream what a blessed age should come when the thing 
should have been done. They were not studious of the 
laws of value. They knew that the resources of the 
country?- were abundant, that its prosperity came from its 
own skill and its own wealth of rich material, and that 
it was getting a certain predominance in the markets 
of the world. They could not see why it should not be 
sufficient unto itself, why its standards of value should 
not be its own, irrespective of the practice of other coun- 
tries, why its credit should be affected by the basis upon 
which the currency of other countries rested, or why 
international trade should dominate its domestic trans- 
actions. All the world had in fact become at last a 
single commercial community. No nation, least of all 
a nation which lived by trade and manufacture, could 
stand aloof and insist that an ounce of gold should 
not be considered more valuable than sixteen ounces 
of silver when mere fact was against it and the free 
law of supply and demand worked its will despite the 
statutes of legislatures. But very few men who did 
not actually handle the trade of the world saw the in- 
exorable laws of value as they existed in fact. It went 
naturally with the vast extent of the continent that 
most men were shut off from a sight of the international 
forces which governed their economic interests, and a 
very passion of belief had got abroad that all the eco- 
nomic stagnation of the times could be relieved by the 



free coinage of both gold and silver at the ratio of six- 
teen to one. 

It was no ordinary political opinion such as might 
in any election year come forward to dormnate men's 
votes. It set men’s minds on fire, filled them with an 
eager ardor like that of religious conviction, impelled 
them to break old associations and seek new comrade- 
ships in affairs. Party lines were cut athwart. The 
Republicans no doubt had their chief strength in the 
central and eastern States of the Union, where trade and 
manufacture moved strongest and men were most apt 
to understand the wide foundations of their business; 
the Democrats drew their support, rather, from the 
South and West, where disturbing changes of opinion 
had long been in progress and where radical programme^, 
of relief were most apt to be looked upon with favor; 
and yet it was by no means certain that these new opin- 
ions upon the money question had not touched Repub- 
lican voters too deeply to make it prudent for their lead- 
ers to take high ground of opposition against them. 
An extraordinary c;i>'ii'aie 11 of propaganda had been be- 
gun before the year of the presidential election came on. 
The advocates of the free coinage of silver were early 
afoot, with the ardor and irresistible zeal of v eritable cru- 
saders, to overcome dissent in both parties alike and force 
the country to a common view. A great national confer- 
ence of silver advocates had been convened at Wash- 
ington in March, 1895, and had marked the beginning 
of an organized movement which was carried forward 
with extraordinary vigor and effect, to control the action 
of the party conventions. As the year of the elections 
lengthened towards summer State after State in the 
South and West declared unequivocally for free coinage, 



and conservative men everywhere waited with a deep 
uneasiness to see what the leaders of the national parties 
would do. 

The Republican convention met first, and in it the 
advocates of the gold standard won. The convention 
declared itself “unalterably opposed to every measure 
calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit 
of our country, and therefore opposed to the free coinage 
of silver except by international agreement with the 
leading commercial nations of the world.” Its choice 
of a candidate for the presidency was not quite so 
definite an evidence of its purpose with regard to the 
currency as the words of its platform. It nominated 
Mr. W illiam McKinley, recently governor of Ohio, and 
known to all the country for his long service in the 
House of Representatives, especially as chairman of 
the Committee of Ways and Means which had formu- 
lated the tariff of 1890 against which the Democrats 
had won at the polls in 1892. Mr. McKinley had more 
than once spoken and voted on the silver question, 
and had not shown himself unwilling to consider very 
seriously the claims of the advocates of the cheaper 
metal as a standard of value. They had accounted 
him, if not a friend, at least no determined opponent, 
at any rate of some of the measures upon which they 
had set their hearts. But there was no doubt of his 
great credit with his party as a man and a leader, and 
his explicit acquiescence in the principles of the plat- 
form upon which he had been nominated satisfied the 
country of his good faith and conservative purpose. 
The issue was definitively made up. 

Three weeks later the Democratic convention de- 
manded “the free and unlimited coinage of both gold 



and silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, 
without waiting for the aid or consent of any other 
nation/’ and nominated ]\Ir. William Jennings Bryan, 
of Nebraska, for the presidency. It acted with singular 
excitement and swung sharply away from conservative 
influences. It denounced what Mr, Cleveland had 
done to save the gold reserve and to check the riots at 
Chicago as hotly as any Republican policy; spoke of 
the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States 
against the income tax as if it advocated a change in 
the very character of the court, should power come to 
the party it represented; and uttered radical doctrines 
of reform which sounded like sentences taken from 
the platforms of the People’s party. Its nomination for 
the presidency was significant of its temper and excite- 
ment. Mr. Bland, of Missouri, one of the older leaders 
of the party, and a man whose name all the country 
knew to stand for the advanced doctrines of free coinage, 
had at first led in the balloting. Mr. Bryan, though 
he had been a member of Congress and had spoken in 
the House upon the coinage question, had made no 
place of leadership for himself hitherto, was unknown 
to the country at large and even to the great mass of 
his fellow partisans, and had come to the convention 
with the delegation from Nebraska unheralded, un- 
remarked. A single speech made from the platform of 
the convention had won him the nomination, a speech 
wrotiuM, not of argument, but of fire, and uttered in 
the full tones of a voice which rang clear and passionate 
in the authentic key of the assembly’s own mood of 
vehemence and revolt. It was a thing for thoughtful 
men to note how a mere stroke of telling declamation 
might make an unloiown, imtested man the nominee of 



a great party for the highest office in the land, a popu- 
lar assembly being the instrument of choice. 

The People’s party also accepted Mr. Bryan as its can- 
didate. It uttered in its platform some radical purposes 
which the new Democratic leaders had not adopted, but 
it did not require its candidate himself to accept them. 
It recognized the coinage issue as the chief question 
of the moment, and was willing that he should be its 
spokesman in that. Parties were singularly confused 
and broken. Two weeks after the Democratic conven- 
tion a con.siderable body of Republicans, advocates of 
the free coinage of silver, rejected in the counsels of 
their own party, assembled in convention at St. Louis, 
calling themselves the National Silver party, and there 
in their turn endorsed the candidacy and the views 
of Mr. Bryan. Early in September an influential body 
of men out of the Democratic ranks came together 
in convention at Indianapolis, calling themselves the 
National Democratic party, and formulated once more 
what conservative men believed to be the true traditional 
doctrines of the Democratic party upon questions of 
taxation, revenue, and coinage. Men of strong party 
faith hardly knew which way to turn. The great deep 
seemed broken up, old landmarks swept away, par- 
ties merged, confused, dispersed. Only the Republican 
party preserved its full historical identity. Its oppo- 
nents were united in novel, uncertain, motley assem- 
bly; it was at least compact and definite. 

The money issue seemed the only issue of the cam- 
paign. Party orators spoke often of other things, but 
upon that they grappled in close, stubborn, impassioned 
argument. The country had never seen such a struggle 
to rule opinion. Such excitement, such a stirring of 



the moral and intellectxial forces of the country, on the 
one side as if to regenerate society, on the other as if 
to save it from disruption, had never before marked 
a political campaign. The election even of i860 had 
been preceded by no such fever of agitation. The Demo- 
crats and their allies had the dramatic advantage. Their 
candidate made a gallant figure wherever he moved, and 
went up and down the country, as no presidential can- 
didate before him had ever done, to give the people his 
own striking version of the doctrines he preached. To 
the excited crowds which pressed about him he seemed 
a sort of knight errant going about to redress the wrongs 
of a nation. There could be no mistaking his earnest- 
ness or his conviction or the deep power of the motives 
to which he appealed. His gifts were those of the prac- 
tised orator, his qualities those of the genuine man of 
the people. His strong, musical voice carried his mes- 
sage to the utmost limits of any throng, and rang in a 
tone which warmed men’s blood. There could be no 
doubting the forces of conviction which lay back of him. 
Very likely there were many charlatans in the convention 
which nominated him, and men who acted upon mere ex- 
pediency, but the crowding ranks in that hall had been 
made up for the most part of men who deeply believed 
every word of the radical programme they put forth; 
and the great throngs out-of-doors who cheered the sen- 
tences of that platform with full-throated ardor cheered 
because they also believed. No one could deny that 
the country had fallen upon evil times, that the poor 
man found it harder than ever to live, and that many a 
law needed to be looked into which put the poor at a dis- 
.Khaiiiago. The country teemed with men who found 
themselves handicapped in all they tried to do, — they 



could but conjecture why. It was no new thing that 
multitudes, and multitudes of sensible men at that, 
should think that the remedy lay in making new laws 
of coinage and exchange. The battle was to be won 
by argument, not by ridicule or terror or mere stub- 
bornness of vested interest. 

It was won by argument The country had never 
seen such a flood of pamphlets, such a rush of every 
man who could speak to the platform, of everj?' man 
who could write into the columns of the newspapers 
and the pages of the magazines. It was in the last 
analysis a contest between the radical and the con- 
servative forces of the country, and the conservative 
forces won. The election day, the 3d of November, saw 
more than fourteen million votes cast, and of these more 
than six and a half million were cast for Mr. Bryan. 
Mr. McKinley received 7,111,607. Every State north 
of the Ohio and the Potomac and east of the Mississippi 
gave its electoral votes to the Republican candidate, 
some of them, like New York and New Jersey, by un- 
precedented majorities. West of the Mississippi the 
Republicans carried Minnesota, Iowa, North Dakota, 
Oregon, and California, and south of the Ohio and 
Potomac West Virginia and Kentucky. Even in North 
Carolina and Tennessee the Republican vote leaped 
up in significant strength. Nowhere did the tide of 
Democratic votes run as the tide of Republican votes 
ran in the States where opinion rallied strong to main- 
tain the established foundations of business. Repub- 
lican majorities were returned again, also, to both houses 
of Congress ; and no one could doubt the verdict of the 

It was a singular thing how the excitement subsided 



when the sharp contest was over and the result known. 
Never before, perhaps, had there been occasion to witness 
so noteworthy an illustration of the peaceable fruits of 
untrammelled self-government, the cheerful, immediate, 
hearty acquiescence of a self-governing people in the 
processes of its own political life. Not a tone of revolt 
was to be heard. The defeated party was content to 
await another election and abide by the slow processes 
of argument and conviction, and affairs went forward 
almost as if with a sense of relief on both sides that the 
fight had been fought out and settled. Business took 
heart again. Whatever might be said for or against 
the free coinage of the two money metals at a ratio which 
was not the actual ratio of their real relative values, 
definite assurance as to the policy to be pursued was 
an indispensable prerequisite to the confident carrying 
forward of business enterprises; and the verdict of the 
country had at last been given so decisively that capital- 
ists need, it seemed, have no uneasy , even 

with regard to the next election, when another four 
years should have gone by. 

And yet the air had not cleared entirely; the task 
of the party now restored to full power was not sim- 
plified by the mere vote of the people. Questions of 
internal war and peace were, indeed, past, forgotten. 
In March, 1896, the houses. Republican though they 
were, had taken from the statute book the only frag- 
ment that remained of confederate disabilities, enact- 
ing "That section twelve hundred and eighteen of the 
Revised Statutes of the United States, as amended by 
chapter forty-six of the laws of 1884, which section is 
as follows : ' No person who held a commission in the 
Army or Navy of the United States at the beginning of 

VOL V-19 263 


the late rebellion, and afterwards served in anj^^ capac- 
ity in the military, naval, or civil service of the so-called 
Confederate States, or of either of the States in insur- 
rection during the late rebellion, shall be appointed to 
any position in the Army or Navy of the United States,’ 
be, and the same is hereby, repealed.” It was the final 
“ Act of Oblivion ” ; affairs would never again turn 
back to that day of bitterness and strife. It might be 
that even the deep agitation with regard to the money 
question was quieted. But no one could think that 
the influences which had stirred that troublesome ques- 
tion to such a heat had been set aside by the mere suf- 
frages of the voters. 

Obviously the business world, the whole world of 
industry, was in process of revolution. America, in 
particular, had come to the crisis and turning point of 
her development. Until now she had been "iriicjli'iii 
to release and organize her resources, to win her true 
economic place in the world. Hitherto she had been 
always a debtor nation, her instruments of industry 
making and to be made, her means of transportation, 
the vast systems of steel highways which were to connect 
her fields and factories with the markets of the world, 
as yet only in course of construction. At the close 
of the civil war there were but thirty-five thousand 
mdes of railway upon all the vast spaces of the con- 
tinent ; there were one hundred and fifty thousand more 
to add before its products and manufactures could be 
handled freely in the world’s i and for that 

vast increase foreign as well as domestic capital had to 
be borrowed by the hundreds of millions. Except what 
her fields produced, the country had as yet but little with 
which to pay the interest and the capital of her debts ; 




her fields were in some sense the granary of the world. 
As agricultural prices fell it required more and more 
food stuffs to pay her balances. In those fatal years of 
depression, 1893-1896, when business threatened to stand 
still because of the state of the currency and the crops 
fetched little more than would pay for their carriage, 
it was necessary to pay huge foreign balances in coin, 
and $87,000,000 in gold had had to be shipped over 
sea to the country’s creditors in a single twelvemonth 
(1893). It was that extraordinary drain that made Mr. 
Cleveland’s task next to impossible, to keep the Treas- 
ury reserve unexhausted and yet sustain the currency 
with gold payments. Not until the very year 1897, 
when the new Republican administration came in, did 
the crisis seem to be past. The country had at last 
built its railway and manufacturing systems up, had at 
last got ready to come out of its debts, command foreign 
markets with Mimolhiiig more than its food stuffs, and 
make for itself a place of mastery. The turning point 
seemed to be marked by a notable transaction which 
took place the very month Mr. McKinley was inaugu- 
rated. In March, 1897, a great consolidation of iron- 
mining properties, foundries, steel mills, railroads, and 
steamship lines was effected which brought the coun- 
try’s chief supplies of iron, its chief steel producing 
plants, and its chief means of transporting steel prod- 
ucts to the markets of the continent and of the world 
under a single organization and management, and re- 
duced the cost of steel to a figure which put American 
steel factories beyond fear of competition. Steel had 
become the structural stuff of the modern world. Com- 
manding its manufacture, America might command the 
economic fortunes of the world. 



It was this new aspect of industry that disclosed the 
problems Republican and Democratic statesmen were 
to face for the commg generation. The concentration 
of capital was no new thing; but the new scale upon 
which it now began to be effected made it seem a thing 
novel and unexpected. The control now of this industry 
and again of that by small groups of capitalists, the 
growth of monopolies, the union of producers in each 
line of manufacture for the purpose of regulating prices 
to their own liking and profit, had been familiar cir- 
cumstances, familiar signs of the times, these twenty 
years. The farmers had seen them and had formed 
their granges, their Alliances, their People's party to 
protect their own interests, by combination and polit- 
ical agitation, against the huge corporate powers that 
seemed to be gathermg for the conquest of fortune. 
The industrial workingmen had seen them and had 
widened their organizations to meet the threat of sub- 
jection. The great strikes which followed one another, 
summer by summer, with such significant regularity 
were but the reflex of what was taking place in Wall 
Street, where huge combinations of capital were being 
arranged; at the n <t •' centres of the country, 
where the interests of producers were being pooled; at 
railway centres, where great systems of transportation 
were being drawn ih, r under a single management. 
Mines, factories, railways, steamships were now, it 
appeared, to be brought into one corporate union as a 
single business. It was the culmination of the process, 
and seemed to put a new face on all that had gone 
before, on all that was to follow. 

No wonder thoughtful men, as well as mere labor 
agitators, grew uneasy and looked about them to see 



what control the law could exercise. No doubt there 
was risk of deeply serious consequence in these vast 
agu reflations of capital, these combinations of all the 
processes of a great industry in the hands of a single 
“ Trust. ” No doubt they did give to a few men a control 
over the economic life of the country which they might 
abuse to the undoing of millions of men, it might even 
be to the permanent demoralization of society itself 
and of the government which was the instrument of 
society in the conduct of its united interests. The 
programmes of socialists and extremists proposed a 
remedy which was but a completion of the process : the 
virtual control of all industry and of all the means of 
transportation by the government itself. The leaders 
of the People’s party, though they professed no social- 
istic doctrine, demanded government ownership of the 
railway and telegraph lines of the country, and their 
expressed desire with regard to the control of "Trusts" 
smacked of the extremest purposes of experiment in 
the field of \ ■ ’or ■■ . The Interstate Commerce Act 
had been a beginning, a very conservative beginning, 
in the carrying out of what they wished to see under- 
taken. Neither the leaders of the Republican part}?’ 
nor the leaders of the Democratic party felt that such 
impulses of reform, such counsels of restriction could 
be entirely ignored; but neither party saw as yet the 
prudent and practicable lines of action. It would not 
do to check the processes which were adding so enor- 
mously to the economy and efficiency of the nation’s 
productive work and promising to give her now at last 
that first place in wealth and power in the world which 
every son who loved her had predicted she should some 
day have; ^nd yet it would not do to leave the economic 



liberty of the individual or the freedom and self-respect 
of the woiknmnian unprotected. 

The first steps taken by the new administration for 
the relief of the economic situation were not of the new 
order, but of the old. Mr. McKinley at once summoned 
Congress to meet in extraordinary session on the 15th of 
March, in order to provide the government with additional 
revenue. He interpreted the elections which had brought 
him into office to mean that the country desired not only 
to avoid the free coinage of silver but also to return to 
the protective system of duties exemplified in the tariff 
of 1890. The Ways and Means Committee of the House 
had prepared a tariff bill during the last session, while 
they waited for the change of administration. Upon 
the convening of Congress in extraordinary session, 
Mr. Dingley, their chairman, reported it at once, and 
by the end of the month it had passed the House and 
been sent to the Senate. It lingered close upon four 
months in the Senate and in the conference committee 
which sat to adjust the differences between the two 
houses; and when it became law, on the 24th of July, 
contained no systematic scheme of taxation at all, but 
merely a miscellany of taxes on the innumerable imports 
which were to be expected every year out of foreign ports. 
Its rates, upon the average, rose even above those of 
1890. Some articles, like raw hides, which had been 
on the free list for a quarter of a century, were again 
subjected to duty; the sugar men again got what they 
desired; some duties, like that on flax, were imposed 
to please the farmers ; some, like that on lead and lead 
ores, to placate the senators who were of the silver inter- 
est of the western raining country. Here and there, 
noticeably in the metal schedules, the rates were left as 



they had stood since 1894; the duty on steel rails was 
even slightly reduced, as if the great steel industry at 
least were counted on to take care of itself. The net 
result was a return to the highest principles of protec- 
tion, or, if no principle could be discovered in the Act, 
at least to its most extreme practices. A year later 
(June 18, 1898) an Act was passed which created an 
Industrial Commission whose function it was to be to 
collate information and to consider and recommend 
legislation with reg9,rd to the many complicated prob- 
lems presented by labor, agriculture, and the industrial 
use of capital. An Act had preceded it by some two 
weeks (June l, 1898) which made provision for the 
arbitration of labor disputes between common carriers 
and their employees engaged in interstate commerce, 
to avoid, if possible, the difficulties which Mr. Cleveland 
had been obliged to settle by the use of federal troops. 
But as yet protective tariffs, inquiry into economic con- 
ditions, and provision for arbitration were all that the 
leaders of the houses had to offer towards the solution 
of the questions out of which the silver ;iiji*lal:oo had 

The attention of the country was for the time being 
drawn off to other things. There had come a day, the 
day to which Mr. Cleveland had looked forward and 
of whose appioach he had warned the government of 
Spain, when the patience of the country with regard to 
the situation in Cuba was exhausted. Much as the 
pitiful process of subjugation still dragged, moving 
as was the spectacle of a fair country devastated to 
bring, not healing peace, but mere submission, opinion 
might for a little while longer have been held off from 
dangerous heat in the matter had not a sudden .startling 



incident, tragical and full of every element calculated 
to stir passion, sent a final thrill of excitement through 
the country. On the evening of the 14th of February, 
1898, Saint Valentine’s Day, the United States battle- 
ship Maine, lying m Havana harbor upon a visit of 
courtesy, was blown to pieces, and two of her officers, 
two hundred and fifty-eight of her crew, killed upon the 
instant. The most careful investigation failed to dis- 
close the origin of the explosion, but an examination of 
the twisted wreck made it plain that it had come from 
no accident within the ship itself. The explosives 
which had destroyed her had lain beneath her at the 
bottom of the harbor where she had her anchorage. 
Within two months Spain and the United States were 
at war, — ^not because a vessel of the American navy 
had been destroyed in a port of Spain, but because opin- 
ion leaped upon the provocation of that tragic incident 
from quiet inquiry to hot impatience with regard to 
all the ugly Cuban business. There was no evidence 
whatever that any one connected with the exercise of 
Spanish authority in Cuba had had so much as guilty 
knowledge of the plans made to destroy the Maine; but 
that unhappy explosion had changed the whole air of 
opinion the country through. 

There was no calculating the forces of excitement that 
W'ere abroad; there was no determining their origin or 
their real power. No doubt influences were at work which 
did not wait upon opinion, which made opinion their 
covert merely and means of justification Sensational 
newspapers exaggerated every phase of the disturbing 
incidents of the time, to make news and increase their 
sales; men who saw personal gain in store for them 
amidst the risks of war bestirred themselves to make 




interest against Spain in the houses at Washington; 
politicians were quick to say and do what they hoped 
would enhance their credit and the influence of their 
party with the country, personal ambitions were not 
neglected m the eagerness of Congress to make some 
stroke in behalf of Cuba and for the aggrandizement 
of the power of the United States in the West Indies. 
Mr. McKinley had no such mastery as could hold the 
impulses of members in check. He had spent fourteen 
years on the floor of the House of Representatives. 
His point of view with regard to the exercise of his con- 
stitutional powers was not that which Mr. Cleveland had 
exemplified. He did not act as an independent, origina- 
tive force in the determination of policy, but rather as a 
power intimately associated with the law-makmg branch 
of the government He was not only sensitive to opin- 
ion out-of-doors but also to the intimations of purpose 
which came to him from the leaders of the houses. The 
fine quality of the man was evident to all who approached 
him: his sense of duty, his devotion to the prmciples 
which he conceived to be the principles of right action, 
his kindliness, his modesty, his Christian self-forget- 
fulness. His unfailing tact seemed to take the sting 
from the sharpest differences of opinion or of purpose 
upon whatever matter, and men did not draw off from 
him because he refused them what they asked or dis- 
sented from them in what they thought. But he seemed 
to stand like a leader who received his ideas, not from 
his own individual examination of affairs or the action 
of his own originative powers upon the subject matter 
of public policy, but from the men about him whom 
he most trusted, from the subtle airs of opinion abroad 
out-of-doors, from those who brought him the counsels 



of Congress and the news of events. There was no 
impression of weakness to be got in dealing with him, 
but an impression of sober sensibility, rather, and of 
sanguine confidence m the movements of opinion. 

He had diligently pressed upon the Spanish govern- 
ment every argument for peace with its Cuban subjects, 
for accommodation, for friendly intervention by the 
United States, for reform and concession in the govern- 
ment of the island that diplomatic usage and inter- 
national courtesy permitted, and yet the end of the 
Cuban trouble seemed no nearer than before. He quick- 
ened his pace in the business as he saw opinion advance 
and the houses grow impatient, — quickened it very 
much when the destruction of the Maine put a touch of 
fever into men’s thoughts. Congress was the war- 
making power ; it very soon became evident that it could 
not much longer be restrained from radical action. 
Distressing reports poured in every day of the sufferings 
of the Cuban people, especially in the camps of con- 
centration. The island was nearby: news came fresh 
from the very scenes of war and desolation. Members 
of Congress themselves visited the concentration camps 
and the parts of the island where the insurrection had 
its chief seats, and told from their places on the floor 
what they had seen and heard. The President wished 
to keep the reins in his own hands, but feared every 
week to see the restive houses break from his control. 
Fast as negotiation had moved on the heels of the excite- 
ment that followed that fatal explosion in Havana 
harbor it had not moved fast enough to please the im- 
patient spirits who pressed the leaders of Congress for 
action. Towards the last it had begun to look as if 
the Spanish government were ready, rather than let 
v— is 273 


the war feeling in the United States put things beyond 
all possibility of a peaceful solution, to make very sub- 
stantial concessions to the Cuban insurgents and bring 
the troubles of the island to an end. But Mr. McKinley 
doubted the good faith of the concessions offered, found 
them guarded by proposed processes of execution which 
imght take perilously long in the carrying out, believed 
that opinion in the country would not justify him in 
taking any further risks of disappointment, and made a 
sudden end of negotiation. On the Iith of April, 1898, 
he asked Congress for authority to put an end to the 
hostilities in Cuba, and on the i8th Congress declared 
the Cuban people free and independent and authorized 
the President to use the military and naval forces of 
the United States to compel the government of Spain 
to relinquish its authority and government in the island. 
The Spanish minister at Washington of course asked 
for his passports, all diplomatic relations between the 
two governments were broken off, and on the 25th of 
April formal declaration of war was made. The res- 
olutions agreed to by the houses in authorizing the 
President to drive Spain from the island had concluded 
with this solemn statement of the purposes of the United 
States' “The United States hereby disclaims any dis- 
position or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, 
or control over said island, except for the pacification 
thereof, and asserts its determination when that is ac- 
complished to leave the government and control of the 
island to its people ” Intervention had come, not for 
the material aggrandizement of the United States, but 
for the assertion of the right of the government to succor 
those who seemed hopelessly oppressed, to recover the 
peace and order of its coasts, to free its trade from the 



trammels put upon it by a war to which there seemed 
no end, to quiet the thoughts of its own people in order 
that they might turn again without distraction to their 
own affairs. 

It was a war of impulse, as any one might see w^ho 
noted how unprepared the country was for what it had 
suddenly undertaken. The regular army of the United 
States numbered but 28,000, officers and men. It fell 
to volunteers as much as to regular troops to assume 
the burdens of the field, as m the war for the Union and 
the war against Mexico fifty years ago. The regular 
army was increased to more than 42,000 before the 
month of May was out, but the new men were, of course, 
mere recruits, and the volunteers mustered faster than 
the regulars. Before the end of May, in response to 
the proclamations of the President, more than 118,000 
men and six thousand officers had been mustered into 
the volunteer service, chiefly from the militia of the 
States, and had been equipped and distributed among 
the various camps of preparation in which they were to 
be made ready and await their orders. Congress au- 
thorized the increase of the regular army to 65,000 men, 
and by the close of August more than 56,000 had been 
mustered in. The volunteer forces had by that time 
grown to 216,256, men crowding into the ranks from 
every quarter of the country. It was noted how eagerly 
the southerners pressed forward for service. Elderly 
men who had been officers in the armies of the southern 
Confederacy asked for commands, and got them, under 
the Act of indemnity passed but two years before. The 
country was thrilled with a new sense of union and of 
enthusiasm for a common cause. There was no longer 
any thought of differences between section and section 



when the flag was in the held. Those days together 
in camp and battle set the war between the States an- 
other full generation back, into a past now left at last 
for historians, not politicians, to take care of. 

Before the first season of enthusiasm had gone by 
the war was over. It was ended before the ranks were 
full. July was not out before the American troops had 
had their will in Cuba and Porto Rico, and Spain had 
proposed terms of peace. By the middle of August 
Manila, in the far Philippines, had been taken; no 
Spanish force an 3 nvhere resisted the arms of the United 
States ; only the full terms of peace remained to be agreed 
upon. The navy of the United States had been the 
first to give the Spaniard a taste of its quality. There 
had been no question of making it ready for war. It 
was outnumbered by many of the great riavies of the 
world, but its officers were professional experts trained 
to proficiency by as thorough a schooling and experience 
in arms as if war were always at hand; and their ships 
were of the most modern type and equipment, built where 
the best steel and the best machinists of the world were 
to be had. Every stroke that they made told. On the 
1st of May, in the grey of the early morning. Commodore 
Dewey, commanding the squadron of the United States 
in eastern waters, attacked the Spanish fleet in the 
bay of Manila, the capital city of the Philippines, 
and by noon had utterly destroyed -it, his own fleet suf- 
fering little damage, and without the loss of a single 
fife on his ships. He had entered the great bay under 
cover of the : O' od’-;.. night, steaming past the batteries 
■vC^hich stood guard there upon Corregidor Island and 
through the long channels where he had been told tor- 
pedoes had been set, as he had steamed when a boy with 



VOL. V . — 20 


Commodore Farragut past the batteries and the torpe- 
does at the mouths of the Mississippi. The force of his 
guns was greater than that of the inferior pieces on the 
Spamsh ships, and but few of their shots took effect; 
the marksmanship of his gunners made their fire precise 
and terrible; he led Ins ships slowly back and forth 
along the line of the Spaniards' anchorage until the 
whole fleet he had been bidden destroy lay sunken, burn- 
ing, and abandoned. That done, the city, with its old- 
fashioned walls and ancient defences, was at his mercy. 
It had been a gallant exploit gallantly undertaken, 
against unknown risks and dangers which he could 
only guess, against a force whose real power and equip- 
ment were not known, and executed with a business- 
like thoroughness which caught the imagination of 
every man who loved ih.i'iou'jhb’-ed service and daring. 
Congress sent the Commodore increase of rank with its 
thanks, and troops were hurried aboard the transports 
at San Francisco to act with him in the capture and 
occupation of Manila. 

The tasks of the fleets mustered to invest the Cuban 
ports and convey the troops of the United States to their 
attack upon the island were by no means so simple. 
The coasts of the long island had many ports ; it was 
presently known that a Spanish squadron of four ar- 
mored cruisers and three torpedo-boat destroyers, un- 
der Admiral Pascual Cervera, had left the Cape Verde 
Islands for the West Indies; it was possible to do little 
more than guess what port they would make for. There 
were not vessels enough to watch all the coasts of Cuba 
and Porto Rico. It might be that the Spanish admiral 
would first make some demonstration against a port of 
the United States, and it gave the authorities at Wash- 



ington and all who thought upon the matter no small 
concern to think how little had been done to supply 
the open coast of the continent with adequate defences. 
As it turned out, Admiral Cervera ran straight into 


Santiago de Cuba, the southern port of the island, which 
lay nearest the open seas by which he had approached. 
The Carribean Sea was wide ; the American command- 
ers got word first that he had touched at Martinique, 
then that he had touched at Curajoa, close by the Gulf 



of Venezuela ; there was no making his course out from 
that, and he slipped unobserved into Santiago while the 
American commander-in-chief searched for him off the 
harbors of Porto Rico. At Santiago he lay almost a full 
fortnight before his whereabouts was discovered by the 
anxious American sailors. High hills shut the closed 
harbor in, and a narrow, winding channel served it 
for entrance ; no ship at sea, no one who did not stand 
upon the very hills that overlooked the harbor, could 
discover what craft lay within the hidden bay. But 
by the 29th of May a flying squadron of the American 
fleet, under Commodore Schley, had established a block- 
ade of the port, reasonably assured that the Spanish 
squadron was within, and by the 1st of June acting 
Rear Admiral Sampson, the commander-in-chief, had 
arrived, to add his heavier ships to the blockading force 
and take command. 

The whereabouts of the Spanish fleet determined the 
point of attack for the army as well as for the men-of- 
war. General Shatter, commanding the troops assem- 
bled at Tampa, in Florida, was ordered to take some six- 
teen thousand men under convoy to Santiago, 14,000 
regulars and 2,500 volunteers, in order that the town 
with its garrison and the fleet lying in its bay might 
be taken together, by the joint action of the land and 
naval forces. There were not sufficient railway facilities 
for sending the troops to their place of embarkation; 
there were not harbor facilities enough for the difficult 
work of embarking the troops where the transports lay ; 
no one in chief command seemed ever to have seriously 
studied the ha’idh’ -s of men and stores upon the great 
scale ; there was infinite delay and confusion and blun- 
dering before the expedition was ready to sail. It took 



an entire week to effect the embarkation, and the ships 
were held yet another week at their anchorage after the 
troops were aboard before they finally put to sea, because 


of false rumors of Spanish cruisers on the coasts they 
were to approach. But by the 14th of June they were 
under weigh, and by the morning of the 20th were off the 
coasts where they were to be put ashore. On the 22d, 



23d, and 24th they were landed at Daiquiri and Siboney, 
some twelve to fifteen miles east of the town of Santiago, 
and their painful work began. The country through 
which they had to pass was broken into abrupt and 
difficult hills; the roads were hardly more than bridle 
paths, and ran through thick tangles of tropical under- 
growth. The flooding rains of the region were likely at 
any time to render them impassable and cut the troops 
off as they advanced alike from further movement upon 
their objective and from communication with their base 
of supplies at the rear where the transports lay. The 
distempers of the unfamiliar climate took immediate 
hold upon them, and sapped their strength. There 
were not surgeons or nurses or medical stores enough, 
and the lack of organized and efficient means and meth- 
ods of transportation worked an injurj^ there worse by 
far than it had worked at Tampa. At Tampa the blun- 
dering and mismanagement had been stupid, irritating; 
here they were deeply tragical. It was pitiful what 
rank and file alike had to endure, with stores unpacked, 
untouched at the rear, and medicines left where they 
could be of no service. But pluck and intelligence 
carried the regiments forward to the overcoming of 
difficulties and the winning of battles there as they 
had carried the men like them who went with General 
Scott to the conquest of Mexico fifty years before. Divi- 
sion commanders proved more efficient and resource- 
ful than their superiors in command; privates knew 
their duty without orders, shifted for themselves in 
camp, at mess, and on the march like men who did not 
need to be cared for, endured what came to them with- 
out murmur or discouragement, and moved like those 
who act confidently without command, carried forward 




b57- their own wits and courage and habits of concerted 

By the morning of the 1st of July the decisive move, 
ments of the attack were planned and begun and by 
the evening of that day an advantage had been gained 
which made it certain what the end must be. The 
town of El Caney and the strong hill of San Juan had 
been stormed and taken, the one commanding the road 
to Guantanamo, by which the garrison of the city might 
expect succor, and whence they could threaten the 
flank of any force that moved direct upon Santiago, the 
other commanding the straight approaches to the city 
itself. El Caney lay in a position of natural strength 
and was protected by strong block houses, a stone fort, 
a stone church, itself a sort of fort loopholed for rifles, 
and long lines of trenches cut in the solid rock. The 
hill of San Juan stood steep and guarded, crowned 
with a block fort set about with a maze of barbed wire 
entanglements. The American troops, in whatever 
direction they moved, had either to block one another's 
way massed in the narrow miry roads or else to deploy 
as best they could in the tangled undergrowth of the 
tropical forests; and came into the open close by the 
enemy’s position only to expose themselves to a galling 
fire from foes lying unseen and protected. They had 
no support from artillery; each position they attacked 
had to be taken by cool, dogged assault; but the thing 
was congenial to their spirits, and was done with the 
steadfast pluck and the unfaltering audacity of men who 
did not know how to fail or turn back. The general 
officers who planned and ordered the movements knew, 
it presently turned out, neither the topography of the 
country nor the exact position and strength of the enemy ; 



but the men and their immediate commanders made 
all mistakes good and took what they found. On the 
2d the American lines were still further advanced, and 
an assault by the Spaniards was repulsed. On the 3d 
General Shafter summoned the commander of the town 
to surrender; but General Toral had received reinforce- 
ments from the east and refused. 

That same day the Spanish admiral, fearing himself 
trapped where he lay, put suddenly to sea, hoping by 
forcing his craft to their speed to run down the coast 
to the westward and show the American commander 
his heels before the blockading fleet could close upon 
him. But the first glimpse of his smoking funnels in 
the channel brought the fleet in the offing to the chase. 
The commander-in-chief was for the moment away, 
in his flagship, upon an errand to the eastward; Com- 
modore Schley was in immediate command of the block- 
ade. It was Sunday morning a little before ten o’clock, 
and the men were at quarters for inspection. They 
sprang to the work of chase and battle with a cheer, and 
within eight minutes the ships within range had open- 
ed fire. Hardly a signal was needed. The Spaniards 
swung in order down the coast; the American ships 
followed from their places in instant succession, each 
captain selecting the Spaniard he could most speedily 
get within range of for target. The foremost and fleetest 
of the Spanish vessels was overhauled and forced ashore 
upon the rocky coast within four hours of its exit from 
the port; the vessels which followed her had been destroy- 
ed before the fight was two hours old. The American 
gunners, pouring in a fire constant, precise, overwhelm- 
ing, had cut the fire mains or ignited the ready 
ammunition or sent destroying heat and ruin to the 



machinery of the craft they chased, and they were one 
after the other run aground, burning fiercely fore and 
aft. It took as gallant work to get their crews off and 
succor them in their desperate peril as it had taken 


to bring them to their sudden fate. Six hundred 
Spanish officers and men lost their lives, killed or 
drowned; more than seventeen hundred were taken 
off the burned and ruined vessels as prisoners. 

Two weeks more and Santiago, with all the eastern 
posts and districts of Cuba, was in the hands of the 



Americans. Reinforcements came in to General Shatter 
which swelled his numbers to 21,000, and a complete 
line of investment was drawn around the city. His 
guns had at last come up. Eighteen thousand women, 
children, and foreign residents were allowed to pass 


through his lines before he opened siege fire ; but when 
the bombardment did begin it came at intervals from 
the heavy guns of the fleet as well as from the batteries 
on the hills, and the end was inevitable. Negotiations 
lor surrender were opened on the 12th, and on the 17th 
not only the town itself but also all the eastern posts 
were rendered up. On the 21st of July Major General 
Miles sailed from Guantanamo Bay with a small force 




for Porto Rico. There he was joined by reinforcements 
out of the United States, and the southern and western 
portions of the island were taken possession of without 
opposition, the inhabitants even receiving the American 
troops with open enthusiasm. News of the arrange- 
ment of preliminaries of peace stopped all hostile move- 
ments before the occupation could be completed. On 
the 26th of July overtures of peace had been addressed 
by the Spanish government to the government of the 
United States through M. Cambon, the French minister 
at Washington; and on the 30th definite terms of peace 
were proposed from the same source. In August most 
of the troops in Cuba were hurried back to the United 
States to arrest the alarming progress of malarial fever, 
dj^sentery, and j’^ellow fever among them and the war 
seemed over, — except in the Philippines. On the 12th 
of August a peace protocol was signed at Washington. 

In the Philippines Admiral Dewey had waited until 
troops should be sent which could capture Manila and 
take military possession of the islands. But he had 
not waited without armed allies. The Philippines, like 
Cuba, had been the scene of frequent rebellions against 
Spanish rule. Peace was, indeed, but a little more 
than four months old when Commodore Dewej^ received 
his orders from Washington to attack the Spanish na- 
val force in eastern waters, and Emilio Aguinaldo, the 
one-time chief of the insurgents, was at hand, in Singa- 
pore, should the American commander wish to avail 
himself of his advice and aid. Commodore Dewey 
sent Aguinaldo word to follow him to Manila with all 
possible despatch, and he was given passage from 
Hong Kong on the American gunboat McCulloch. 
His influence with the people of the island of Luzon 



was well known. Young man though he was, scarcely 
turned of twenty-nine, they were his to command, so 


strong a hold had his frank manners, engaging in- 
terest in reform, and subtile power to turn men to his 
way of action taken upon them; and, for lack of troops 
from over sea, the American commander was willing 



to supply him with arms and ammunition and put the 
men whom he should muster in a position to hold the 
country round about the city until the transports should 
come out of America and all things should be ready. 
To make such an arrangement was to play with fire. 
It was not clear, it could not be clear, what was to be 
done with the iii'in'm-'iit army thus set afoot again by 
American aid when the troops of the United States 
should arrive and the conquest of the islands be finally 

Moreover, judicious lookers on wondered not a little 
to see the plans of the war so widened. Commodore 
Dewey had been commanded to destroy the Spanish 
fleet in the East; but he had not, so far as any one had 
heard, been told to take Manila and set an insurrection 
afoot in Luzon. It was significant that troops were at 
once hurried aboard the transports at San Francisco, 
—significant of the broadened scope and purpose of the 
war as viewed from Washington. It was not to stop 
with the relief of the Cubans. Troops were to be sent 
to the Philippines to take military possession of them. 
General Miles had been ordered from Cuba to Porto Rico. 
The power of the United States, once afield, was sweep- 
ing the island possessions of Spain into its sudden em- 
pire on both sides of the world. By the 13th of August, 
the day after the peace protocol was signed at Wash- 
ington, all things were ready for the hostile movement 
at Manila and the place was easily taken by the Amer- 
ican troops, Aguinaldo's forces looking on and doubt- 
ing their part in the venture. When the peace com- 
missioners met at Paris in the autumn to frame their 
final agreements, the United States demanded and 
got all that their arms had touched: Cuba for the 





Cubans, Porto Rico and the Philippines, and the tiny 
island of Guam by the way, for their own possession. 
While the armies of the United States still lay with their 
lines drawn about Santiago (July 6, 1898) a joint res- 
olution had passed the two houses of Congress which 
provided for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands 
to the United States and consummated the revolutionary 
process to which Mr. Cleveland had for a little while 
given pause. 

Of a sudden, as it seemed, and without premeditation, 
the United States had turned away from their long- 
time, deliberate absorption in their own domestic develop- 
ment, from the policy professed by every generation of 
their statesmen from the first, of separation from the 



embarrassing entanglements of foreign affairs; had 
given themselves a colonial empire, and taken their 
place of power in the field of international politics. No 
one who justly studied the courses of their life could 


reasonably wionder at the thing that had happened. 
No doubt it had come about without premeditation. 
There had been no thought, when this war came, of 
sweeping the Spanish islands of far-away seas within 
the sovereignty of the United States. But Spain’s 
empire had proved a house of cards. When the Ameri- 
can power touched it it fell to pieces. The government 
of Spain’s colonies had everyrvhere failed and gone to 
hopeless decay. It would have been impossible, it would 



have been intolerable, to set it up again where it had 
collapsed. A quick instinct apprised American states- 
men that they had come to a turning point in the prog- 
ress of the nation, which would have disclosed itself 
in some other way if not in tins, had the war for Cuba 
not made it plain. It had turned from developing its 
own resources to make conquest of the markets of the 
world. The great East was the market all the world 
coveted now, the market for which statesmen as well 
as merchants must plan and play their game of compe- 
tition, the market to which diplomacy, and if need be 
power, must make an open way. The United States 
could not easily have dispensed with that foothold in 
the East which the possession of the Philippines so un- 
expectedly afforded them. The dream of their own poet 
had been fulfilled, 

"See, vast spaces, 

As in a dream they change, they swiftly fill. 

Countless masses debouch upon them. 

They are now covered with people, arts, institutions." 

The spaces of their own continent were occupied and 
reduced to the uses of civilization; they had no frontiers 
wherewith “ to satisfy the feet of the young men” : these 
new frontiers in the Indies and in the far Pacific came 
to them as if out of the very necessity of the new career 
set before them. It was significant how uncritically 
the people accepted the unlooked for consequences of 
the war, with what naive enthusiasm they hailed the 
conquests of their fleets and armies It was the ex- 
perience of the Mexican war repeated. 

What they claimed was not, indeed, yet theirs in 
fact. A suUen dismay and discontent had come 



upon the men who served with Aguinaldo outside the 
American lines at Manila, and who did not clearly 
know whether they w^ere allies or subjects. They had 
not taken up arms, they said, merely to make the Amer- 
icans their masters instead of the Spaniards, but to 
make themselves free, and had deemed the Americans 
their allies in that undertaking. The American com- 
manders had made them no promises, but they had 
seemed tacitly to accord them the place of allies, and 
their own hopes had drawn the inference. When they 
found that those hopes were to be denied them they 
took their cause into their own hands and set up the 
government as if of an independent republic with Agui- 


naldo as their president (September 29, 1898). In 
February, 1899, a dogged war of resistance began 
which it was to take the troops of the United States, 
recruited from season to season till their numbers reached 
quite 70,000 men, more than three years to bring to an 
end. But the end was visible from the beginning. As 


the presidential election of 1900 approached the Demo- 
cratic party made as if it would stake its fortunes on 
an opposition to the “imperial” policy of the adminis- 
tration; but it found that the thoughts of the people 
did not run with it, and turned the force of its effort 
again, as four years before, to the silver question. Mr. 
Bryan was again made its candidate, against Mr. 
McKinley, whom the Republicans had renominated 



as of course, and it once more demanded in its plat- 
form the free coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of 
sixteen to one. But no one feared now that it would 
win upon that issue. The hopes and energies of the 
country were turned in another direction, and Mr. 
McKinle}^ was elected without difficulty. 

It was interesting to note with how changed an aspect 
the government stood upon the threshold of a new cen- 
tury. The President seemed again to be always in the 
foreground, as if the first days of the government were 
to be repeated, — that first quarter of a century in which 
it was making good its right to exist and to act as an 
independent power among the nations of the world. 
Now, full grown, it was to take a place of leadership. 
The closing year of the century (1900) witnessed a great 
upheaval of revolutionary forces in China. Insurgent 
bands filled the country, the very capital itself, in pro- 
test against the presence and the growing influence 
of the foreigner, and particularly the occupation of 
new ports of entry by Russia, England, and Germany, 
— the dowager empress, the real mistress of the king- 
dom, acting as their ally. The very legations at Peking 
were invested in deadly siege by the insurgents; and 
America, with the other nations whose representatives 
were threatened, sent troops to their relief. America 
played her new part with conspicuous success. Her 
voice told for peace, conciliation, justice, and yet for a 
firm vindication of sovereign rights, at every turn of 
the difficult business; her troops were among the first 
to withdraw, to the Philippines, when their presence 
became unnecessary; the world noted a calm poise of 
i;i(lj.'iiK‘:il. a steady confidence as if of conscious power 
in the utterances of the American Secretary of State; 



the new functions of America in the East were plain 
enough for all to see. The old landmarks of politics 
within the United States themselves seemed, meanwhile, 
submerged. The southern States were readjusting 
their elective suffrage so as to exclude the illiterate 
negroes and so in part undo the mischief of reconstruc- 
tion; and yet the rest of the country withheld its hand 
from interference. Sections began to draw together 
with a new understanding of one another. Parties 
were turning to the new days to come and to the common 
efforts of peace. Statesmen knew that it wms to be their 
task to release the energies of the country for the great 
day of trade and of manufacture which was to change 
the face of the world: to ease the processes of labor, 
govern capital in the interest of those who were its in- 
dispensable servants in pushing the great industries of 
the country to their final value and perfection, and 
make law the instrument, not of justice merely, but 
also of social progress. 


Abercrombie, James, li. 91. 

Abolitionists, the, iv. loi. 

Acadia, French colonies in, 1. 19, 
207; 11. 35; renamed Nova 
Scotia, 11. 37. 

Act ot Coiigiess providing foi 
counting electoral votes, v. 

Act of Congress providing for suc- 
cession to the Presidency, v 
181, 182 

Act of Oblivion, the, v. 263, 

Acts of Navigation, i. 222, 228, 
229, 258 

Adams, Charles Francis, Minister 
to England, v. 69. 

Adams, John : 

As delegate to Congress (1774), 
ii. 194-196, as commissioner 
from Congress, 11 254, as 

commissioner to France 
(1783), lii. 16-18; his im- 
patience with Washington, 
111, 22 ; his writing and 

speeches, 111. 89 , as Vice- 
President, lii. 104; elected 
President, 111. 143-145; his 
breach with Hamilton, iii. 
158-161 ; end of his ad- 
ministration, hi. 166. 

Adams, John Quincy : 

His advice to Jefferson, hi. 198, 

199; as Secretary of State, 
m. 245, his treaty ^ith Eng- 
land (1818), 111. 259 , his fear 
of Russia, 111. 265 ^ elected 
President, iii 269, coalition 
with Clay, 111. 274-276, his 
administration, m. 278-283 , 
his view of Jackson's ap- 
pointments, iv 10, as member 
of the House (1831)^ {y. 78. 

Adams, Samuel . 

As leadei of Assembly^ 11, 160 ; 
demands withdrawal of 
troops, 11 164, plans revolu- 
tion, 11. 174, 180, 209; his 
plan for Committees of Cor- 
respondence, 11. 13^^ . 

member of Colonial Congress, 
11. 194-196, 111. 22, 67. 

Address of Returned Citizens of 
New York, 111 44, 45. 

Adet, M., the French Minister, iii. 


Age of the Stuarts, the, i. 34. 

Aguinaldo, Emilio, leader of the 
Fihpmos, V. 290-292; Presi- 
dent of the Philippine Repub- 
lic, V. 297. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, ii. 73. 

Alabama, admitted to the Union, 
lii. 238; secedes, iv. 200; re- 
admitted to the Union (1868), 
V. 46. 


Alabama^ the, Confederate ship, 
V. 69 

Alabama claims, the, v. 70-72. 

Alaska, fur trade of, 111 265 , pur- 
chase of, by the United States 
(1867), V. 42-44 

Albany, origin of name, 1. 241. 

Albany Regents, the, iv. 7. 

Albemarle, settlement of, i. 251, 
252, 292 , government of, 1. 
252, 253 , rebellion in, 1. 272. 

Alexandria, Va., conference at, 
(1755). 11* S5, 87; commission- 
ers meet at (1785), 111 61. 

Algiers, Dey of, 111. 259. 

Alien Act, the, 111. 153, 337, 338, 
344, 346, 348. 

Alleghanies, the, 11. 9, 43. 

Allen, Ethan, u. 226 

Allison, William B., v. 147. 

Altamaha River, 11. 65. 

Ambrister, Robert, 111. 257. 


Character of age of English 
settlement in, 1. i ; ideas of 
Columbus concerning, i. i, 
2 , early hopes of discovery in, 
i. 2; character of age of dis- 
covery of, 1. 2 , character of 

northern continent of, 1. 13- 
16 , English and French com- 
pete for, 1. 22, the first colo- 
nizers of, 1. 28 , condition of, in 
latter part of sixteenth cen- 
tury, i. 32 , first representative 
assembly in, 1, 86-8)9, Eil' 
grims in, i. 86-89 , Puritans m, 
i. 104-106 , Cavaliers in, 1 215, 
216, 217; effect of the Resto- 
ration on, 1. 238 , English and 
French population in (1689), 
11. 4 , Revolutionary War in, 
see War of Independence; 
peace in (1782), 111. 12; de- 

velopment of literature in, iii. 
82, 83, 94, alliance of, with 
France, 111. 205, 206, 216, 
factory system of, 111. 241 , 
reformed penitentiary system 
of, IV 76, slavery in, iv. 76, 
77, 78, 192-198 , ship-building 
in IV 239, 240 , Indians in, 
see Indian tribes , crisis and 
development in, v. 264, 265; 
sends troops to China, v. 
299, her power in the East, 
V 299. 

American Federation of Labor, 
the, V. 187. 

American flag, the, ii 328. 

Amherst, Jeffrey, 11. 92 

Anarchy, beginnings of, v. 186, 

Andre, John, ii. 312. 

Andros, Edmund, 1. 296, 298, 315, 
316, 322, 324, 326, 328, 329, 348, 

Annapolis, i. 339, 111. 42. 

Anne, Queen, 11 28, 49. 

Antietam, battle of, iv. 229. 

Anti-Nebraska Men, iv. 170, 172. 

Antislavery Society, iv. 76, 78, 

Apalache Bay, 1. 13. 

Apalachees, the, 11. 33. 

Apalachicola, 111 296. 

Appalachian Mountains, the, v. 

Appomattox Court-house, iv. 258. 

Arbitration, court of (1872), v. 

Arbitration, treaty of (1897), v. 

Arbuthnot, Alexander, iii. 257, 

Argali, Samuel, 1. 55. 

Arizona, ruins of, 1. 16. 

Arkansas, secedes from Union, 
IV. 208 ; readmitted, v. 46. 



Armada, the Gieat, i. 8, 22. 
Armed Neutrality, the, 111 4. 
Army of the Potomac, the, iv 
224, 225, 229, 240, 249 
Arnold, Benedict, 11. 237, 256, 

277, 311-313, 327 

Arthur, Chester A , elected Vice- 
President, V. 154, becomes 
President, v 156, his charac- 
ter and administration, v. 162, 
163, 169. 

Articles of Confederation of the 
New England Colonies, ii 331 
Articles of Confederation of the 
United States of America, li 
357; ill. 18, 20, 71. 

Ashburton, Lord, iv. 115. 

Ashley River, origin of name, i 


Association in Arms in Maryland, 

i- 339. 

Atlantis, 1 7. 

Audubon, John J , iv 80. 
Australia, method of balloting in, 
V. 195. 

Ayllon, Vasques de, i. 38. 

Bacon, Nathaniel, i. 266, 
267, 269, 271. 

Bacon's Rebellion, i. 267, 269. 
Balboa crossed the Isthmus, 1. 10 
Baltimore, Lord, see Calvert. 
Bancroft, George, iv. 80. 

Bank of the United States, lii 
219 , iv. 19, 41, 43, 44. 45. 47. 4^. 
51. 52. 53 . 56, 94 - 
Banks, General Nathaniel P , iv. 
243 - 

Barr^, Isaac, ii. 133, 213. 
Bayard, Thomas, v. 233, 
Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin 
de, n. 282. 

Beaumont, Auguste, tv. 76. 

Beauregard, General Gustave, iv. 
211, 222 

Beaus^jour, 11 87, 89. 

Belknap, William W., v. 95 
Bellomont, Lord, ii, 23, 24. 25, 


Bennett, Richard, i. 213. 
Bennington, 11. 270. 

Benton, Thomas H , iii. 272, 274 , 

IV. 68 

Berkeley, Lord William, i. 183, 
185, 190, 213, 214, 239, 246, 
248, 252, 256, 257, 262, 264, 
266, 269, 271, 272, 11. 17. 
Beverly, Robert, 1 206 , 111. 86 
Biddle, Nicholas, iv. 49, 50, 51. 
Biloxi, French at, 11 59. 

''Black Friday" (1869), v. 65, 66 
Black Hills, the, gold discovered 
in, v. 102 

Blackbeard, the pirate, li. 47 
Blaine, James G , his political 
record, v. 174, 175; nominated 
for President, v. 174 ; his 
opinion of reformers, v. 178, 
Blair, James, 1 348-350. 

Blair, John, ni. 68. 

Blake, Admiral Robert, i. 227. 
Bland, Richard, 11 148, 194, iii. 

Bland, Richard P., v. 146, 258. 
Bland silver bill, the, v. 146 
147, 205; repeal of, v. 206. 
Blockade-running in Civil War 
iv. 240. 

Blomaert, Samuel, i. 168. 

Board of Trade and Plantations, 

11 . 


Bon Homme Richard, ship, 11. 303 
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 111. 206, 
207, 216, 220, 221. 

Bcnnet, Stede, li. 47. 

Booth, John Wilkes, iv. 259. 
Boston, England, 1. 157. 



Boston, Mass. : 

Settled, 1. io8 , small-pox in, ii. 
34 ; first Presbyterian church 
in, ii. 52 ; stamp - act not in, 
ii. 136; resistance to duties 
in, 11. 160 , massacre in (1770), 
ii. 162-164; protest against 
landing of tea in, li 167, 168, 
the Boston Tea-party, 11 185 , 
port of, closed (1774), 11 187, 
town meeting of, 11 194, 

military rule in, ii 206 , Brit- 
ish forces in, 11. 236, British 
evacuate, 11 239 
Boucher, Jonathan, ni. 93 
Bouquet, Henry, 11 128, 131 
Bowdoin, James, 111 58, 62. 
Boycott, use of the, v 168 
Braddock, Edward, 11 85, 87, 88, 


Braddock's defeat, 11 87-89 
Bradford, William, i 89, 97, 99, 
ui. 83. 

Bradley, Justice Joseph P., v. 

Bradstreet, Anne, ill. 83. 
Bradstreet, John, 11. 92. 

Bragg, General Braxton, iv. 243, 

Brandywine, the, 11. 280 
Brant, Joseph, 11 275, 292, 293. 
Bread riots m New York, iv 67. 
Breckinndge, John C., iv. 174, 

Brethren of the Coast, ii. 21, 23 
Brewster, William, i. 83, 84, 86, 

British army, the, 11. 266. 
Brodhead, Colonel, ii. 300. 
Brooke, H., hi. 345. 

Brooke, Lord, i. 147. 

Brown, Benjamin Gratz, governor 
of Missoun, V. 84 ; nominated 
for Vige-President, v. 84, 85. 

Brown, Governor of Georgia, iv. 
304 - 

Brown, John, his raid at Harper's 
Ferry, iv. 185, 186 

Brown University, 11 112. 

Bryan, William J., nominated for 
President (1896), v. 258, his 
campaign speeches, v 261. 

Buccaneers, 11 15, 20, 21, 22, 23. 

Buchanan, James, as Secretary 
of State, IV. 1 17, as commis- 
sioner to Ostend, iv. 172 ; 
elected President, iv 174, 
favors admission of Kansas, 
IV. 180, 18 1 ; his administra- 
tion, IV. 203, 204. 

Buell, General Carlos, iv. 220, 243. 

Buena Vista, battle of, iv. 120. 

Bull Run, battle of, iv. 21 1. 

Bullock, Edmund, 111 342. 

Bunker Hill, battle of, li. 229. 

Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, 
and Abandoned Lands (1865), 
V 17, 18; effect in Southern 
States of the, v 22, 23, en- 
larged powers of (1866), v. 26, 

Burgesses, House of, ii 166, 176, 
181, 183, 185, 192, 111 62 

Burgoyne, John, 11 229, 268, 270, 

Burke, Edmund, i 305, 11. 105, 
106, 123, 124, 153, 2ir, 213, 
215, 217 

Burnside, General Ambrose E., iv. 

Burr, Aaron, elected Vice-Presi- 
dent, 111. 1 61; his duel with 
Hamilton, 111. 178; his down- 
fall and trial for treason, 111. 
203, 204, his remarks on the 
Mexican War, iv. 107. 

Butler, General Benjamin, at New 
Orleans, iy. 224. 



Butler, John, h. 292. 

Butler, Walter, 11. 292. 

Byrd, William, ii, 100. 

Cabot, George, m. 186, 187. 
California, ceded to United States, 
iv. 122, gold discovered in, iv. 
135; government foimed in, iv. 
136; admitted to Union, iv. 

Calvert, Cecilius, Second Lord 
Baltimore, 1. 128, 130, 131, 133, 

134, 135, 136. 

Calvert, Chailes, Third Lord Bal- 
timore, i. 288, 339 
Calvert, George, First Lord Balti- 
more, i. 128, 131. 

Calvert, Leonard, i. 188. 
Cambridge platform, the, i. 198. 
Camden, S. C., 11. 308. 

Campbell, John, 111 342. 

Canada, Fenian raid 111, v. 29, 30; 

fisheries of, v. 70. 

Canals, lu. 243, 244, 266 
Canning, George, 111 263 
Cape Cod, 1. 86, 89. 

Cape Fear, pirates at, li. 44, 47. 

Cape Henry, iv. 80 

Carleton, General Guy, ii. 256 , lii. 

15, 26. 

Carlisle, John G , Secretary of 
Treasury, v. 189, 253. 

Carolina : 

Land grant of, i, 246 ; population 
(1663),! 247, government of, 
i. 249-252; new charter of, 
i. 250 : attacks Spanish at 
Florida, ii, 33. 

Carpet baggers'' in the South, 
V. 46. 

Carr, Dabney, ii. 183. 

Carr, Robert, i. 226, 236. 
Cartagena, attack on, li. 71, 72. 

Carteret, George, i 239, 296, 298. 

Carteret, Philip, first governor of 
New Jersey, 1. 240, 242, 244, 
295, 296, 298. 

Cartier, Jacques, penetrates St. 
Lawrence, 1. 18 , fortifies Quebec, 
1 19 , 11 6. 

Cartwright, George, 1. 226, 236. 

Cass, Lewis, iv. 128 

Cathay, Columbus seeks, 1 2, 6 

Cavaliers m Virginia, 1. 215, 216, 

Cedar Mountain, battle of, xv. 

Census, first of United States 
(1790), 111. 125; (1800), m 172, 
(1820), 111 246, (1850), IV 135, 
(1870), V 66, 67 , (1880), V. 166, 
167, (1890), V. 199, 212. 

Centennial Exhibition (1776), v. 
120, 122 

Cential Pacific Railway, com- 
pletion of, V. 89. 

Cerro Gordo, iv. 120. 

Cervera, Admiral Pascual, com- 
manding Spanish fleet at San- 
tiago, V. 278. 

Champlain, Samuel de, 11. 6, 8, 9. 

Chapultepec, iv. 120. 

Charles I, i. 100, 122, 124, 128, 
173, 174, 175. 

Charles II , proclaimed King in 
Virginia and New England, i. 
213, 215 ; his letter to Massachu- 
setts agents, i. 226 , sends 
royal commissioners to Mas- 
sachusetts, i. 226; gives New 
Netherlands to Duke of York, i. 
229, 232. 

Charles V., his empire and power, 
i. 20. 

Charleston, S. C,, settlement of, 
i. 254, 293; its social life, ii. 
52, 54; negro slaves in, ii. 54, 

V. — 20 



British troops withdraw from, 
lii. 15, Genet at, iii, 131. 
Charlestown, Mass , British at, 11 
233 , Ursuline convent sacked 
at, iv. 89. 

Cherokee Indians, iv 14, 15, 16 
Chesapeake, the American frig- 
ate, 111. 191, 192. 

Cheves, Langdon, 111. 212 
Chicago, anarchist not in (1886), 

V. 187. 

Chichely, Henry, i. 285 
China refuses to check emigration 
of Chinese, v, 186, war in, v. 


Chinese, act of Congress exclud- 
ing the, V. 184, 185, 214; im- 
migration of, V. 185. 

Chowan, 1. 246, 249. 

Church, Colonel Benjamin, ii 35 
Churchill, John, see Marlborough 
Cibola, seven fabled cities of, 1. 16 
Cincinnati, mob rule in, v. 169. 
Cincinnati, Society of, lu. 17. 

Civil rights bill, V. 28, 97, 98. 

Civil service, v. 82, act for re- 
form of, V. 88, system of ap- 
pointment in, V. 158, 159, the 
Pendleton bill on, v. 160, 162 
Civil Service Reform League, the 
National, v. 160. 

Civil War, see War of Secession. 
Clarendon, Earl of, i. 223, 224, 
237, 238, 246, 292. 

Clark, George Rogers, ii. 293, 
295, 296 

Clay, Henry, member of Congress, 
ill. 210, 21 1 ; nominated for Presi- 
dent, ill. 268; iv 35, no; as 
party leader, hi. 272, 276 ; iv. 2, 

38, 138, 148 ; as Speaker of the 
House, V. 132, 133. 

Clayborne, W., i. 133, 134, 188, 



Cleveland, Grover * 

His antecedents and character, 
V. 171 , as mayor and gov- 
ernor, v 172 , elected Presi- 
dent (1884), V. T77, his policy 
and administration, v. 178, 
181 , his veto of pension 
bill, V. i8r , his tariff mes- 
sage (1887), V. 191, 192, 
209, his defeat for re-elec- 
tion (1888), V. 194, his sec- 
ond election as President 
(1892), V 214, his free-silver 
declaration, v. 218, 219, his 
second Cabinet and admin- 
istration, V 232-234; with- 
draws annexation treaty of 
Hawaii, V. 242, his Vene- 
zuelan message (1896), v. 
252, end of his administra- 
tion, V 253. 

Clinton, De Witt, 111. 234. 

Clinton, George, 111. 200 

Clinton, Sir Henry, ii. 229, 249, 
278, 297, 306, lii. 2. 

Coahuila and Texas, State of, 
IV 105. 

Coal, used to produce steam, v 
1-6 ; in Appalachian moun- 
tains, V. 1 16, strikes of miners 
in (1894), V. 238 

Cobb, Thomas R. R , iv. 282, 284. 

Colfax, Schuyler, v. 90, 134. 

Colleges : 

Harvard (1638), i. 181 , William 
and Mary (1692), 1 349, 350 , 
Yale (1701), 11 28, Princeton 
(1746), 11 112, Kings (1754), 
ii. 112; Brown (1764), 11 I12 

Colomal government, 1. 121, 122; 
changes in (1722-1742), 1. 150; 
relations to King and Parlia- 
ment of, ii 150, 151 ; Congress 
of Committees of, li. 193, 201; 


Continental Congress of, ii 

Colonies : 

At Jamestown, i 37; at Quebec, 
1 69 , at Newfoundland, 1 

69 , at New Plymouth, i 69, 
90, 92, 95, 98, at Salem 1 
104; in Virginia, 1. no, 
I16, m Maryland, 1. 131, 
136 , in Massachusetts, 1 
138 , in Connecticut, 1. 138 , 
on Long Island, 1. 138; in 
North Carolina, 1. 292, in 
South Carolina, 1 293, 294; 
in Pennsylvania, 1. 304, in 
Savannah, 11 64-67 , effect of 
civil wars in England on, 1 
171-181 ; restrictions on com- 
merce of, 1. 219-222; ship- 
building in, 1. 221, 222; re- 
strictions on trade in, 1. 258, 
261; government in, 1. 290, 
conference of 1690 in, 11. 12; 
make war on New France, 11. 
13 ; woollen manufactures in, 
ii 19 , effect of '' Queen Anne's 
War" on, 11. 30; changes in 
1721-1742, 11. 49-51 ; Scots- 
Insh settle in, 11. 51 ; party 
movements in, 11. 55, 56 ; Eng- 
lish and French views of, 
ii. loi, 104; effect of Stamp 
Act on, 11. 134, 136, 137, 139. 

Columbus, sets out to find 
Cathay, i. i, 2; annotations in 
handwriting of, 1. 3 ; seeks 
Asia and kingdom of Tartars, 
i. 4. 

Commerce : 

Between Southampton and Bra- 
zil, i. 32 , Dutch, 1. 70 , Span- 
ish, i. 70; English restric- 
tions on colonial, i. 219-222; 
11. 144. 

Committee of correspondence, ii* 

174, 175, 176, 17S, 187 

Committee of inquiry on condi- 
tion of the South (1871), v. 74, 

Common Sense pamphlet by 
Paine, 111 91. 

Commonwealth, the effect of, in 
Virginia, i 215. 

Comptroller of the Currency, the, 
IV. 252. 

Concord, fight at, ii. 223, 225. 

Confederacy, the Southern : 
Beginnings of, iv. 199, 200, 271 ; 
States of, IV. 200, 208; Cap- 
itol of, at Richmond, iv. 210 ; 
boundaries of, iv. 212; pop- 
ulation of, IV. 249 ; social 
orders in, iv. 269, 270; or- 
ganization of government of, 
iv. 271 ; provisional govern- 
ment of, IV. 272, 273 , politics 
of, IV. 274 ; love for the Union 
in, iv. 276-278 ; constitu- 
tion of, iv. 284; powers of 
President of, iv. 286; hopes 
of the leaders of, iv. 288 ; 
difference of opinions m States 
of, IV. 289; resources of, iv. 
289, 290 ; scarcity of specie in, 
iv. 291, 292, paper money of, 
iv. 292; crops of, IV. 292; 
food and clothing in, iv. 293, 
294 ; transportation in, iv. 
295, 296 ; arms and munitions 
of army of, iv. 296-298; the 
army of, iv. 298-300, gov- 
ernment of, iv. 301-306; con- 
scription laws m, iv. 298, 
304 ; financial measures of, 
iv. 304, 305, prisons of, iv. 
307; dissolution of, iv. 31 1, 
312 ; States of, after the war, 
V. 2-6. 


Confederate privateers, iv. 240 
Congress, First, of United States, 
111. 104, 106, 107, 108. 

Congress of Committees, 11. 192, 
193, 201. 

Congress of Confederation, 111. 

38, 48- 

Conklmg, Roscoe, v. 156, 158. 
Connecticut . 

First settlers in, 1. 162, 163; 
joins United Colonies, 1 170; 
charter grant of, 1. 233 ; 
boundaries of, i. 233, 234 , 
charter annulled, 1. 326 , char- 
ter restored, 1. 341. 
Connecticut River, 1. 74; settle- 
ments on, i. 144, 232. 
Considerations on the propriety of 
imposing taxes on British colo- 
nies, ill. 88. 

Constantinople, effect of capture 
of, 1. 4. 

Constitution of the United States, 
ill. 71, 72, 76, 311; division of 
opinion concerning, 111. 79, 80, 
82 ; amendments to, 111. 327- 
333; thirteenth amendment to, 
V, 7 ; fourteenth amendment to, 
V. 28, 74, fifteenth amendment 
to, v. 57, 74 

Constitutional government, ii. 21 1. 
Constitutional Union, party of, iv. 

Constitutional Union Guards, the, 
V. 62 

Continental Congress, first, 11. 
193-201 ; second, 11. 221 ; third, 
ii. 2. 

Continental money, 11. 310, 316 
Convention at Annapolis (1786), 
11. 62. 

Conway, Henry Seymour, 111. 8 
Coode, John, 1 339. 

Cooke, Jay, v. 93. 

Coote, Richard, see Bellomont. 

Copley, Sir Lionel, 1. 346. 

Corinth, Miss , siege of, iv. 222. 

Cornbury, Lord, 11. 41. 

Cornwallis, Earl, 11. 249, 308, 314, 
328 , in i. 

Coronado explores sources of 
Colorado and Rio Grande riv- 
ers, 1. 16. 

Corporation and Test Acts of 
England, iv. 76. 

Corregidor Islands, v. 276. 

Cortez finds ancient kingdoms in 
South America, 1. 2. 

Cotton ; 

Early cultivation of, in. 124; 
gin invented for, 111. 73, 240, 
slave labor for, 111 252 , value 
of (1829), m 285 , monopoly of, 
in Southern States, iv. 290, 
value of (1860-1862), IV. 291 ; 
blockade of, in Civil War, iv. 
249; as legal tender, iv. 306. 

Cotton, John, 1. 141, 142, 204, 208; 
ill. 85. 

Council for New England, the, 
i. 95, 96, 104. 

Council of Safety, the, li. 254. 

Coxey's Army, v 236-238. 

Craven, Lord, 1. 246. 

Crawford, William, m. 212, 245, 
267, 277. 

Credit Mobiher, the, v. 89, 90-92. 

Creek Indians, iv. 14, 15. 

Crisp, Charles F., v. 225. 

Cromwell, Oliver : 

At Marston Moor and Naseby, 
i. 174; leader of the Inde- 
pendents, 1. 175, 176; as Lord 
Protector, 1. 195; makes con- 
quest of Acadia, 1. 207; de- 
mands fur trade in West 
Indies, 1. 208 ; his attitude 
towards America, 1. 209, 229. 



Crown Point, ii. 226. 

Cuba : 

First proposition to buy, iv. 72; 
Spanish rule in, v. 248-250; 
concentration camps in, v, 
273 , independence of, declared, 
V. 274, 

Culpeper, Lord, i 285; 11. 2. 
Cumberland Gap, 111 243, 244 
Curfew, the, in Southern States, 
V. 20. 

Currency, demand for cheap, v. 

Curtis, George William, as leader 
of Mugwumps, V 176. 

Custer, General George Arm- 
strong, V. 102, 103. 

Daiquiri, Cuba, U. S. troops 
landed at, v. 282. 

Dakota, v. 102. 

Dale, Sir Thomas, i. 52, 54, 55, 60. 
Davenport, John, leads settlers to 
New Haven, 1. 161, 162; forms 
government, 1. 163 ; goes to 
Boston, i. 244. 

Davis, a Maryland rebel, i 288 
Davis, Jefferson, chosen Presi- 
dent of Southern Confederacy, 
iv. 200 ; calls for volunteers, iv. 
210; character of, iv. 310 
Davison, William, i 84. 

De Lancy, James, ii. 35. 

Debtors, prisons, ii. 62, 63 
Decatur, Commodore Stephen, iii, 


Declaration of Independence, li. 
242; original draft of, ix. 244- 
247 ; signed by delegates, 11. 258. 
Declaratory Act, the, ii. 156. 
Deerfield attacked by French and 
Indians, ii. 35. 

Delaware Indians, i, 312. 

VOL V — 2 2 

Delaware, Lord, i. 50, 52 ; his Re- 
lation, 1 53. 

Delaware River, i. 72, 73. 
Delaware, State of, ratifies Con- 
stitution, in 76 

Democracy m Amei ica^ De Tocque- 
ville's, iv. 76 

Democrats, political party of, 111. 
278, 280, 289 ; IV. I, 30, 64, 65, 
81, 85, 102, no, 124, 127, 159, 
168, 187, V. 104-112, 170, 189, 
206, 220, 256, 257 
Devonshire, her seamen, position, 
and people, 1. 25, 26, 28. 
Dewey, Commodore George, takes 
Manila, v. 276, 277, 292; con- 
ference with Aguinaldo, v. 290, 

Diokmson, Don M , v. 233. 
Dickinson, John, 11. 137, 158, 194 ; 
iii 89. 

Dieskau, Ludwig August, ii. 89, 

Digges, Edward, i. 213. 

Dingley bill, the, v, 268. 
Dinwiddie, Robert, 11. 77, 79, 84, 


Discovery, the ship, i 35, 36. 
Dissenters, freedom of, in New 
York, 11. 41. 

District of Columbia, seat of gov* 
ernment established m, hi. 164 ; 
slavery abolished in, xv. 140. 
Dixwell, John, 1. 226. 

Dorchester, Mass , settled, i. 108 ; 

fortified by provincials, ii. 239. 
Dougan, Thomas, 1. 315, 317, 326, 

333; li* 10. 

Douglas, Stephen A., iv. 165, 166, 
167, 180, 188. 

Downing, George, i. 219. 

Draft Act, the (1863), iv. 236. 
Draft riots, iv. 236. 

Drake, Francis, turned buccaneer, 



i. 8; first voyage around the 
world, 1. 10 

Dred Scott case, the, iv. 176, 177. 

Drummond, William. 1 239, 272 

Duane, William J , iv 53, 54 

Dudley, Joseph, 1. 322, 323, 324; 
11. 41. 

Dudley, Thomas, i. 106. 

Duke's Laws, the, 1 231, 241, 242 

Dulany, Daniel, his pamphlet on 
taxation, 111. 88. 

Dunmore, Earl of, 11 18 1, 192, 219, 

Dunning, John, 111. 7. 

Duquesne, Marquis, 11 76, 77, 99 

Durant, George, 1. 247. 

Dutch, the, commerce of, i. 69, 70, 
71 ; sea-power of, 1. 72 ; war of 
Spam with, 1. 72, East India 
Company of, 1. 72, emigration 
to England of, 1 76, 77 , on Hud- 
son River, 1. 96, 227, on Con- 
necticut River, 1 144, 145, 146 , 
power of, in America, 1. 226, 
Long Island Sound, 1 227, in 
New York (1672), 1 294. 

Dutch East India Co , 1. 72, 116 

Duties on Imports, v. 118-120. 

Duxbury, 1. 165. 

Dwight, Timothy, 111. 94. 

East Florida, m. 256, 257. 
East India Co , Dutch, i. 40, 72. 
East India Co., English, 1. 72, 
It. 167, 168, 172. 

East Jersey, 1 298-299, 340 ; ii. 27. 
Eaton, John H, iv. 10, 34. 
Eaton, Mrs. John, social quarrel 
about, iv. 34. 

Eaton, Theophilus, i. 205. 

Edict of Nantes, revocation of, 1. 

Edwards, Jonathan, iii. 85, 86. 

El Caney, Cuba, capture of, v. 

Electoral Commission, the (1876), 

V no. III. 

Electoial votes, act for counting, 

V 182-184 

Electric telegraph, the, iv. 131. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 1 80, 81, 100. 

Elizabethtown, settled, 1. 243; as- 
sembly at, 1. 244 

Embargo Act, the, 111 193, 194, 

Emerson, R W , iv 80. 

Emigration to the West after the 
Revolution, in 40, 41, 53 

Endecott, John, 1. 104, 105, 106, 
108, 109, 205 

Enforcing Act, the, iii. 197. 

England : 

Political position of, at time of 
English settlements in Amer- 
ica, i I, 2 ; condition of, at be- 
ginning of seventeenth cen- 
tury, 1 22 , effect of Reforma- 
tion on, i 23, 78 , the Renais- 
sance m, 1. 24, competes 
with France for North Amer- 
ica, i 22, changed condition 
of, in seventeenth century, i. 
44 , common law of, i. 58 ; 
Protestantism in, 1 78 , church 
and state in, 1 loo, Roman 
Catholics in, i, 127, 128; 
commerce of, in 1651, i 219, 
220, 221 , war with France, li. 
2 , reign of William and 
Mary in, ii. 14, 15, reign of 
Queen Anne in, 11. 30, sends 
troops to America against 
the French (1711), 11. 37; 
gams Hudson's Bay, New* 
foundland, and St Christo- 
pher's, 11. 38 , sends fleet 
against pirates, ii. 47; gains 


Canada, ii. 96; makes new 
plans for colonial govern- 
ment, 11. 130, proposed taxa- 
tion for colonies. 11. 131-132, 
passes acts regulating colo- 
nial trade, 11 153, 154, claims 
search rights on neutral ships, 
111 4; declares war against 

Dutch Republic, 111 6 , at 

war with Indian princes, iii. 
6, public opinion in, at end 
of Revolution, 111. 6 ; votes 
against further war in Amer- 
ica (1782), 111 8 , power of the 
crown diminished m, 111 10; 
popular feeling in, against 
American War, 111 13, 14; 

Corporation and Test Acts 
repealed in, iv. 76, slavery 
abolished in, iv. 76, bounda- 
ry-lines of, IV. 1 15, 1 17, sym- 
pathy with South in Civil 
War in, iv. 216, 217; attack 
on Mexico, v 40 , ship-build- 
ing in, for Confederate States, 
V 67-69. 

English, the : 

Age of settlement of, in 
America, i. i ; population of, 
in America m 1689, li- 4 ^ 
spreading westward of, 11. 9 , 
attack Spaniards m Florida, 
ii. 33 , driven from Bahamas, 
ii. 35 , victory of, at Quebec, 
ii. 94, 95, 96 ; colonies of, con- 
trasted with French, li. 
98-100; view of colonial tax- 
ation by, ii. 151-153; orders 
in council against neutral 
trade of, in. 189, 204, 206, 
208; trading companies ot, 
iv. 1 14, government of, dis- 
putes boundary-hne of British 
Guiana, v. 245. 

English, William H , nominated 
for Vice-Piesident, v 153 
Ericsson, John, iv 238 
Espiritu Santo Bay, 1 114. 
Estaing, Count de, 11. 290, 304, 

Eugene, Prince, ii 30 
Europe, state of mind of, at time 
of discovery of America, 1 2, 
changes m politics in sixteenth 
century in, 1. 20. 

Fairfax, Lord, ii. 79. 

Farmers’ Alliance, the, v. 126, 

Farragut, Commodore David G , 
takes New Orleans, iv. 224, 
237; at Mobile, iv. 257 

Federal District, the, selection of, 
111 128 

Federalist, the, m. 96. 98 

Federalists, political party of, lii. 
143, 145, 150, 153. 156, 158, x 6 o, 
161, 163, 164, 167, 169, 183, 197, 
200, 227, 229. 

Fendall, Josiah, i. 287. 

Fenian Society, the, origin of 
name of, v. 291 ; purpose and 
members of, v. 29, 30; raid in 
Canada of, v. 30, 

Ferguson, ii. 317, 318, 321. 

Fifteenth Amendment to the Con- 
stitution, V. 140. 

Fillmore, Millard, elected Vice- 
President, IV. 129 ; becomes 
President, iv, 140, his cabinet. 

Fish, Hamilton, iv. 167- 

Fisheries, 11. 108, of the Pacific, 
111. 266, American and Cana- 
dian (1872), V. 70, 196; Bering 
Sea, V. 196. 

Flax, manufacture of, iii. 241. 


Fletcher, Benjamin, i. 346 ; ii. 23 
Florida : 

Ceded to United States, 111 258, 
becomes a State, iv. 131 , 
secedes, iv. 200; readmitted 
to the Union, v. 46; Re- 
publican control in (1870- 
1872), V. 99“ioo. 

Florida, the Confederate ship, v. 


F oote. Commodore Andrew H , iv. 

Foote, Samuel, iv. 23. 

Foote, Solomon, iv. 167 
Foot’s resolutions, iv. 23. 

Force Acts, the, v. 136 
Fort Amsterdam, i. 96, 97. 

Fort Christina, i. 168. 

Fort Donelson, iv. 221. 

Fort Hatteras, iv. 237. 

Fort Hill, 1. 148. 

Fort Le Boeuf, li. 80 
Fort Nassau, i 74, 97 
Fort Orange, renamed Albany, i 

Fort Pickens, iv. 204, 237. 

Fort Pillow, iv. 222 
Fort Pulaski, iv. 237, 

Fort Sumter, iv. 204, fired on by 
Confederates, iv. 208. 

Fort Warren, iv. 217. 

Fort William Henry, ii. 90. 

Fortress Monroe, iv. 204, 224, 237 
Fourteenth Amendment to Con- 
stitution, V. 28 ; rejected by 
Southern States, v. 34, 37 ; sup- 
ported by Republican leaders, v. 

74 , altered in 1872, v. 97 ; power 
of, v. 140. 

Fox, Charles, iii. 8. 

Fox, George, i. 301. 

France ; 

Political position of, at time 
of English settlements in 


America, i. I, 2 ; attacks 
England, 111 2, 4 ; naval power 
of, broken, iii. 9 , attacks 
Mexico, V. 40-42 

Francis I , his policy, i. 22. 

Franklin, Benjamin: 

His almanacs, 11. 114, his plan 
of umon of colonies, 11. 114, 
1 15; plan of, for sustaining 
army, 11. 118; protest of, in 
London, ii. 134; as commis- 
sioner from Congress, n. 254 , 
m Pans, ii. 282, his plan 
of union (1754), 11 342, as 
peace commissioner, 111. 16, 
20, 294; as man of letters, 
111 87. 

Franklin, State of, iii 49 

Fraunce’s Tavern, 111. 42, 43 

Frederick of Prussia, 11 84, 282. 

Fredericksburg, iv. 229. 

Free Banking Act, iv. 251. 

Freedmen, their position after the 
Civil War, V. 13 : legislation in 
behalf of, v. 16, 17, effect of 
emancipation on, v. 18-20 , 
Southern legislation for, v. 20, 
21 ; views of Northern men re- 
garding, V. 22. 

Freedom of dissenters established 
in New York, 11. 41. 

Free-masons, iv. 35. 

Free-soil party, iv 129, 130, 156. 

Fremont, John C., iv. 174. 

French, the : 

In North Carolina, i 292 ; popu- 
lation of, in America in 1689, 
ii 4, 5 , settlements of, in Que- 
bec, 11. 6; on the great lakes, 
ii. 7; advance of, in power m 
America, 11. 8, 9, raids and 
massacres of, 11. 35; settle- 
ments on the Mississippi, 11. 
59; on Lake Erie, 11. 77; on 


the Ohio, ii. 8l , defeats of, 
in America, in 1758, 11. 92, 
at Quebec, 11 95 , loss of 

possessions of, in America, 
11. 98; their settlements m 
America diflferent from those 
of the English, 11 98-100, in 
Senegal, 111. 4 > revolution of, 
111 129, 134. 

French and English wars, raids, 
and massacres, 11 35 , at Louis- 
bourg, 11. 73 , at Great Meadows, 
ii. 83, 84 , at Braddock's defeat, 
ii. 88, 89 , at Oswego, 11. 90 , at 
Quebec. 11 94-96 

Freneau, Philip, 111. 93. 

Frontenac, Count de, 1. 331, 333, 
11, II, 13. 

Fugitive slave law, iv. 140, 146, 
147, 176, 177, 186, 192, V. 7. 

Fulton, Robert, iv. 72. 

Fundamental Orders of Connecti- 
cut, the, 1. 155. 

Gadsden, Christopher, h. 

Gadsden, James, iv. 172. 
Gadsden Purchase, the, iv* 162. 
Gage, General Thomas, ii 189, 
204, 205, 223, 237. 

Gallatin, Albert, 111. 176, 243. 
Galloway, Joseph, 11. 194, 196, 
263, 264, ill. 93. 

Gansevoort, Peter, 11 277. 
Gardiner, Lion, 1. 147, 148, 154. 
Gardiner, S. R., 1. 206. 

Gardoqui, Diego, 111. 51. 

Garfield, James A., his position 
and character, v. 15 1 ; elected 
President (1880), v, 154; his 
assassination and death, v, 
156 ; his quarrel with Conkling, 

V. 158, 

Garrard, James, iii 342, 

Garrison, William Lloyd, iv. 137, 

Gaspee, the schooner, 11. 164, 18 1, 

Gates, Horatio, ii. 308, 314 

Gates, Sir Thomas, 1. 52, 54, 55. 

Genet, Edmond Charles, id. 13 1, 

Geneva, Switzerland, court of ar- 
bitration at (1872), v 70-72. 

George III, li. 214, 215; 111. 293. 

Georgia : 

Origin of name, 11. 64 , charac- 
ter of settlers in, 11 65 , negro 
slavery forbidden in, 11 66, 
67, growth of, IV. 80; seces- 
sion of, IV. 200. 

German Protestants in Georgia, 
11 65. 

Germans in North Carolina, i. 

Germany suspends coinage of 
silver, V. 144, 145. 

Gerry, Elbridge, 111. 146; v. 138. 

Ghent, treaty of peace at, hi. 225. 

Gibraltar, siege of, in. 9. 

Gila River, the, iv. 172. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, i. 28, 30. 

Glass, manufacture of lii. 241. 

Gofie, William, the regicide, i. 225. 


Discovery of, in California, iv. 
135 ; in the Black Hills, v. 102 ; 
made standard of value in 
United States, v. 144, parity 
between silver and, v. 217, 
218, 222; difficulty in main- 
taining reserve of, v. 231, 
253 ; the standard of, v. 254, 


Gosnold, Bartholomew, i. 42, 

Government appointments made 
for political purposes, v. 79, 80. 

Grafton, Duke of, ii. 212. 



Grangers, v. 124, 126. 

Grant, Ulysses S. : 

In Mexican War, iv. 219 , volun- 
teers in Union army (1862), 
IV. 219, occupies Cairo and 
Paducah, iv 220, takes Fort 
Henry, iv. 221 , at Corinth, 
IV. 221, 222; at Vicksburg, 

IV. 242, at Chattanooga, iv. 
243, 248; at Lookout Moun- 
tain, IV. 248 , made com- 
mander-in-chief, iv. 253, at 
Appomattox, iv. 258 , his pow- 
ers as general of the army, 

V. 37 , appointed Secretary of 
War (1867), V. 54; elected 
President (1869), v 57, his 
action against Ku Klux, etc , 
V. 75 ; his breach with Sumner, 
V. 80 , re-elected President, v. 
87 , end of his administration, 
V. 96, 97 , his refusal to send 
troops to Mississippi, v 98, 
99 , public estimate of his 
administration, v. 112; as 
member of the firm of Grant 
& Ward, v 167. 

Grant & Ward, firm of, v. 167 

Grasse, Count de, in the Chesa- 
peake, 1). 328; attacks British 
West Indies, 111 4; defeated by 
Rodney, lu. 9 

Gray, Asa, iv. 80. 

Great Meadows, battle of, ii. 83, 

Greeley, Horace, v. 80, 81; his 
advocacy of general amnesty, 
V. 82 ; nominated for Presi- 
dent, V. 84; his death, 87. 

Greenback party, the, v. 123, 145, 

Greenback-Labor party, v. 154. 

Greenbacks, government, v. 143. 

Greene, Nathanael^ li. 314, 322, 

323. 32?. 

Greene, Roger, i. 246. 

Grenville, George, 11. 125, 130, 131, 
132, 140, 145, 152. 

Gresham, Walter Q., v. 248. 
Grow, Galusha A., v. 134 
Guadaloupe, Hidalgo, iv. 122. 
Guam, island of, v. 292. 
Guantanamo Bay, v 288. 
Guiana, British, v. 245. 

Guilford, 1. 163 

Guiteau, Charles J., v. 156, 159. 

Habeas Corpus, suspended, iv. 
236 , suspended in Southern 
States, V. 64, act authorizing 
suspension of, v. 75. 

Hakluyt, Richard, 1 33, 42. 

Half-breeds, political party of, v. 


Halleck, General Henry W., iv. 

Hamilton, Alexander: 

His birth and breeding, hi. 64 ; 
his opinion on government, 
111 72-74; his Federalist pa- 
pers, 111 96; as Secretary of 
Treasury, 111. 103, his views 
on finance, 111 1 08-1 10; his 

breach with Mr. Adams, 111 
158, as leader of the Fed- 
eralists, iii. 170 , his duel 
with Aaron Burr, iii. 178 ; 
his establishment of first 
United States bank, iv. 44. 

Hamilton, Colonel, 11. 296. 

Hampden, John, i. 174. 

Hampton, Va , i. 52. 

Hampton, Wade, v. 108. 

Hampton Roads, iv. 237 

Hancock, General Winfield S , 
nominated for President (1880), 
V. 153- 

Harper's Ferry, iv. 229; John 



Brownes raid at, iv. 185, capt* 
ured by Confederates, iv. 229. 

Harrison, Benjamin, elected Presi- 
dent, V. 194 , his personality, 
V. 20. 

Harrison, Colonel Benjamin, 11. 


Harrison, William H., nominated 
for President, iv. 62; elected 
President, iv. 82; his brief ad- 
ministration and death, iv. 92. 

Hartford, settlement of, i. 148. 

Hartford Convention, the, 111. 227 

Hartley, David, 111. 294. 

Harvard College founded, 1. 181 

Havana, blowing up of the Maine 
in harbor of, v. 270 

Haverhill, massacre at (1697), 

13, sacked and burned (1708), 
11- 35 

Hawaii, islands of, v. 240, an- 
nexation treaty with United 
States of, V 242 ; provisional 
government in, v 242 ; an- 
nexed to United States, v. 292, 


Hawkins, John, turned bucca- 
neer, 1. 8. 

Hawley, Joseph, ii. 210 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, iv. 80. 

Hay, Anthony, ii. 176 

Hayes, Rutherford B , v. 104 ; 
elected President, v, ill, 1 12; 
vetoes silver bill, v. 147; his 
character and policy, v. 149, 
169; end of his administration, 
V. 151; veto of Chinese Exclu- 
sion Act, V. 186. 

Hayne, Robert Y., iv. 23, 24, 25, 
27, 28, 37. 

Hendricks, Thomas G., v. 182. 

“Henricus,'' i. 52. 

Henry, Patrick, ii* 148, 183, 194, 
210, 221, 226, 293; iu. 67, 75- 

Henry VIIL, his policy, i. 22 ; 
secularizes government, 1. 23; 
his interest in ship-building, 1. 

Herald, the New York, iv 82. 

Herkimer, Nicholas, 11 277. 

Hessians, the, n. 266 

Higginson, John, i. 106. 

Hill, Isaac, iv. 48, 49 

Hispaniola, 11 21. 

Holland, English in, 1 76. 

Holmes, 0 W > iv 80 

Homestead plots, iv. 214. 

Honolulu, V. 242 

Hooker, General Joseph, iv. 240. 

Hooker, Thomas, 1. 141, 142, 145, 
148, 149, 155, 156, 170, 204; 
111 85 

Houston, Samuel, iv. 1 06, 108, 

Howe, William, li. 229, 237, 239, 
243, 250, 252, 254, 268. 

Hudson, Henry, 1. 72. 

Hudson River, the Dutch settle- 
ments on, 1. 72, 96; named 
North River, i 73 , English pos- 
session of, 1. 232. 

Huguenots, settlements of, in 
Florida, 1. 19, m England and 
America, i. 22; expelled from 
France, 1, 22. 

Hundred Years' War, effect of, on 
France, i. 2. 

Hutchinson, Anne, 1. 156, 157, 
164, 168. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, li. 137, 
156, 189, 207. 

Hyde, Edward, see Clarendon, 

Idaho, v. 210. 

Illinois, iii, 238. 

Immigration, in 1842-1845, iv. 132, 
162; of Chinese, v, 184, 185, 213; 



of Hungarians, Poles, and Ital- 
ians, V. 212. 

Impressment of seamen, in. 191, 

Income tax of 1861, iv. 215; of 
1894, V. 230. 

Independent National party, the, 
V. 123 

Independent Treasury Act, the, 
IV. 70, 96 

Indian tribes : 

Algonquins, ii. 7; Apalachees, 
ii. 33 , Catawbas, 11. 39 ; Cayu- 
gas, 11. 8; Cherokees, 11. 39; 
iv. 15, 16; Creeks, 11 39, iv. 
15, 16, Delawares, 1. 312, 
Iroquois, 1. 313, 333 , 11. 8, 9, 
38, I13, 114; Mehernns, 11. 
42; Mohawks, i. 315; Narra- 
gansetts, i. 153, 154; Notto- 
ways, 11. 42 , Oneidas, 11. 8 , 
Onondagas, ii. 8 ; Ottawas, 
11. 128; Seminoles, in. 256, 
iv. 85 ; Senecas, 11. 8 , Sioux, 
iv. 102, Tuscaroras, 11. 38, 
Yamassees, 11. 39, 

Indian Wars : 

In Virginia, i. 63, 64, 264, 267; 
in New England, i. 153, 154, 
277, 280 ; 11 3 ; in North and 
South Carolina, ii. 38, 40, 
58 , against the English, n. 
128; in Wyoming and Dakota, 
V. 102, 103. 

Indians : 

Missionaries to, i. 277; treaty 
with Penn, i. 312, treaty 
with United States, iv. 14, 
their rights in Georgia and 
Alabama, iv. 14, 15, 16-18; 
their fur trade, i. 73, 74; ii. 
10 ; their reservations, v 210. 

Industrial Commission, the, v. 


Industries in the North and South 
after the Civil War, v. 116- 
120, 164, revolution m the, v. 
264, 265. 

Industry, Patrons of, v. 124-126 

Ingham, Mr., Secretary of the 
Treasury (1829), iv. 49-51* 

Ingle, Richard, 1. 188. 

Internal revenue bill, the first, 

111. 137. 

Interstate Commerce Act, the, 
v. 184, 185, 267. 

Intimidation in the South after 
the Civil War, v. 59. 

Inventions : 

The cotton-gin, 111. 173; steam- 
boats, IV 72 ; railways, iv, 
72 , reapers, iv. 73, 74 ; screw- 
propellers, IV. 74 , steam- 
hammers, iv. 74 ; electric 
telegraph, iv. 131 ; sewing- 
machines, IV. 133; rotary 
printing-press, iv. 133, pow- 
er-loom, IV. 133. 

Invisible Empire of the South,” 
the, V. 60. 

Ireland, Independent Parliament 
of. 111. 10, Fenians in, v. 29. 

Irish m colonies, li 51, 60, 61, 75. 

Iron, m Appalachian Mountains, 
V 1 18; consolidation of manu- 
factures of, V 265 

Iron-clad war-ships, iv. 239. 

Iroquois River, in 295 

Island Number Ten, iv. 221. 

Jackson, Andrew : 

At battle of New Orleans (1815), 
lii 225; fighting Indians in 
Florida, 111. 256-258 ; nom- 
inated for President, 111 268; 
his character, 111. 274-276; 
elected President, iii. 289 ; 



compared with Jefferson, iv. 
3, 4 ; his inauguration, iv, 
5, 19; his principles, iv. 7, 
9, 21 , his Indian policy, iv. 
i6”i8, his enmity to Cal- 
houn, IV. 33, re-election as 
President, iv. 36 ; his reply 
to Nullification Act, iv 37; 
hostility to United States 
Bank, iv 41, 42, 54, 56, op- 
position to paper money, iv. 
59, 60, success m diplomacy, 
iv. 61 , his specie circular, iv. 
65, 66; effect of his admin- 
istration, iv 82, 88 ; his 

democracy, iv 90 , his use of 
patronage, iv. 152. 

Jackson, Thomas J., iv. 227, 
228, 229, 240, 242 

Jackson, William, boycott of, 

111 173 

Jamaica, 1 20. 

James, Duke of York, see James 


James L, i. 45, 81, 82, 96, 100. 

James II., i. 229, 231, 239, 318, 
319, 320. 

James River, origin of name, i. 


Jamestown, founding of, i. 37, 
first settlers m, 1- 45, 46, 49, 
famine at, i. 50, 54, burning 
of, i. 269 , capital removed 
from, i. 350, 

Jay, John: 

As delegate to Congress {1774), 
ii. 194; commissioner to 
France (1783), iii 16; his 
proposal to relinquish the 
Mississippi to Spam (1784), 
in. 49^51 ; his Federalist pa- 
pers, ill. 96 ; made Chief- 
Justice, lii. 104, his mission 
to England (1794). nb 136- 

138, effect in Umted States 
of his peace treaty, 111. 140. 

Jefferson, Thomas : 

Member of the House, ii. 183; 
draws Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, 11. 242 ; as Sec- 
retary of State, 111. 103; 

protests against Hamilton’s 
measures, 111. no, leader of 
Democratic-Republican party, 

111. 1 12, 122, withdraws from 
cabinet, iii. 134, elected Vice- 
President, ni 143; his Ken- 
tucky Resolutions, m. 156; 
elected President, 111. 161 ; 
his inauguration, 111. 166- 
168, his character and in- 
fluence, iii. 168-170; his poli- 
tics, ill. 173-177; re-elected 
President, 111 178; the Lou- 
isiana Purchase, ni. 182, 
183 ; his opposition to war, 

III. 191, 192; end of his ad- 
ministration, 111. 199; his 

foreign dealings, iii. 204, 
205, his death, in. 270; com- 
pared with Andrew Jackson, 

IV. 3, 4 ; his birthday cele- 
brated, IV. 32. 

Johnson, Andrew : 

Elected Vice-President, iv. 262; 
made President, iv. 262 , char- 
acter and politics, v. 9, 10; 
his proclamation of amnesty, 
v. 12, 13, 97, his plan of re- 
construction, V. 13, 14 ; vetoes 
Freedman's Bureau bill, v, 
26 ; conflict with Congress 
(1865), V. 26, 27, 32; vetoes 
Civil Rights bill, V. 28; his 
speeches against Congress, 

V. 34; his impeachment, v. 

54 , 55 * 

Johnson, John, ii* 273, 292, 



Johnson, Richard M., in. 212. 
Johnson, Robert, 11 49 
Johnson, William, 11. 87, 272, 274. 
Johnston, General Albert Sidney, 
IV. 222, 242, 

Johnston, Joseph E., iv. 211, 
224, 256, 310. 

Joint High Commission at Wash- 
ington (1871), V. 69 
Jones, Hugh, 111 86 
Jones, John Paul, 11. 290, 303. 
Judiciary Act, the (1801), m. 

163, 174. 

Junius, '' Letters of, 11. 213. 

Kansas, Territory of, iv. 
166, 169, 178 

Kansas-Nebraska bill, the, iv 166, 
169, 172. 

Keith, George, 11. 120. 

Kendall, Amos, iv. 12 

Kent, Justice James, iv 80. 

Kent's Island, 1, 133, 188 

Kentucky, early settlement of, 
hi. 51, admitted to the Union, 
hi. 1 13. 

Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, 
hi. 154, 334 -“ 342 ; of 1799, m. 

Key West, iv. 237. 

Kidd, William, 11 24. 

Kieft, 1. 167, 168. 

King, Richard, iii. 68. 

King George's War, ii. 73. 

King William's War, 1, 345 , 11. 10. 

King's College founded, 11. 112 

“Kitchen Cabinet," the, iv. 13, 49 

Knights of Labor, Noble Order of, 
V. 166, 186, 187 

Knights of the White Camellia, 
V. 62. 

Know Nothings, political party 
pf, iv. 164, 17a, 17I. 

Knox, Henry, iii. 103. 

Kosciuszko, Tadeusz, 11. 282. 

“ Ku Klux Klan," its origin and 
purpose, V. 59, 60; its growth 
and power, v. 60-63, 72, act 
of Congress against, v. 74, 

Kublai Khan, his empire, i. 4, 5. 

Labor and vagrancy laws 

m the South, v. 21 , in Maine, 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, 
V. 21 

Labor Reform party, the, v. 122, 


Lafayette, Marquis de, 11. 328 
Lake Champlain, 11 59, French 
on, 11. 61 , battle of, 111. 223. 
Lake Ene, French settlers on, n. 

77, battle of. 111. 223. 

Lake Huron, French on, li 6. 
Lake Michigan, French on, 11. 6 
Lake of the Woods, in 295. 
Lake Ontario, French and English 
settlements on, 11. 59. 

Lake Superior, French on, 11. 6. 
Lamar, Lucius Q C., v. 233. 
Land Bank acts, ii. 146. 

Land grants : 

Early terms of, i 60, 62, 119; 
on Connecticut River, 1. 147 ; 
to Duke of York, 1 229, 239 ; 
to John Wmthrop, 1 233; 
of New Jersey, i. 240; of 
Carolina, 1. 246, of Virginia, 

I. 262; 111. 46, 48, in Penn- 
sylvania, 1, 304 , in Georgia, 

II. 64, 65; in Ohio, 11 76; for 
Union Pacific Railway, iv. 
214 ; for Western agricultural 
colleges, iv. 215, for home- 
stead plots, IV. 214. 

Lansing, John, lii. 76. 


La Salle, Robert, n. 6 

Latin Union, states of, suspend 
coinage of silver, v, 144, I45 

Laud, Archbishop, 1 122, 124, 128 

Lee, Arthur, 11. 183, 185, 213. 

Lee, Charles, 11 221, 258, 288 

Lee, General Robert E. : 

His ancestry and breeding, iv. 
225; his services in United 
States array, iv. 226 , in 
Southern army, iv. 226, his 
sentiment against secession, 
iv. 226; at Chancellorsville, 
iv. 242 ; at Gettysburg, iv 254 , 
his surrender at Appomattox, 
iv. 258, 259 

Lee, Henry, 11. 298, 315 

Lee, Richard, 1. 216 ; 11. 134, 176, 
183, 185, 194. 24X ; 111. 23. 

Leisler, Jacob, 1 329, 333, 335, n. 

Leopard, the English cruiser, 111 
191, 192. 

Letters of a Pennsylvania Farm- 
er, 11. 158. 

Leverett, John, i 207. 

Lewis, William B., iv. 12. 

Liberal Republicans, political 
party of, v. 84-86, 122. 

Liberty, the sloop, 11, 160. 

Liberty Song, the, ii. 205. 

Lieber, Francis, iv. 80. 

Liliuokalani, Queen of Hawaii, 
proposes new constitution, v. 
240, 241 ; refuses general am- 
nesty, v. 242. 

Lincoln, Abraham : 

His debate with Douglas, iv. 
182, 183 ; elected President, iv. 
188 ; his birth and education, 
iv. 206, 207; calls for volun- 
teers, iv„ 208 ; calls extra 
session of Congress, iv. 214; 
his proclamation of blockade. 

iv. 216; his policy regarding 
slavery, iv. 231 , his proclama- 
tion of emancipaiion, iv. 
232, 244, 247, his assassina- 
tion, IV. 259 , his address at 
Gettysburg, iv. 308, 309 , his 
proclamation of amnesty, v. 
2, 3 , his second inaugural 
address, v. 4, 128, 131. 

Lincoln, General Benjamin, n. 
278, 308; 111 58. 

Liquor, manufacture of, 111. 241. 

Literature, early American, uu 

83, 84, 85, 87. 

Little Big Horn, the, v. 102. 

Livingston, Edward, iv. 53. 

Livingston, Robert, 111 182. 

Locke, John, 1. 250 

Log Cabin, the, iv. 86. 

Long Assembly, the, 1. 266, 269. 

Long Island, 1. 74, early settle- 
ments on, 1. 160. 

Longfellow, H W., iv. 80. 

Lookout Mountain, battle of, iv, 

Loudon, Earl of, ii 90. 

Louis XIV., plans to capture New 
York, i. 331, 332 ; violates treaty, 
n. 28; death of, n. 49 

Louis XVI , hi 4. 

Louisbourg, siege of, ii. 73. 

Louisiana : 

Ceded by France to Spain, ii. 
96; ceded by Spain to France, 
111. 180; purchased by United 
States, iii. 182 ; made a State, 
iii 238, 256 ; division of slav- 
ery m, 111 254, 255; iv. 104; 
secession of, i v. 200 ; readmit- 
ted to the Union, v. 46 ; debt 
of (1868-1872), V. 48; Repub- 
lican control in, v. 99, 100; 
returning board of, v. 100; 
struggle between Republicans 


and Democrats in (1876), v. 

Lowell, Francis, 111. 240. 

Lowell, James Russell, iv. 80. 
Lowndes, William, 111. 212. 
Lundy's Lane, battle of, 111. 223. 

McClellan, General George 
B , IV. 212; organizes Army of 
the Potomac, iv. 224 ; driven 
back by Jackson and Lee, iv. 
228 ; at Antietam, iv. 229. 

McCormick, Cyrus H , iv. 73. 

McCulloch vs Maryland, iv. 19, 43. 

lii. 223. 

McDowell, General Irwin, iv. 21 1, 

McEnery, Mr., v. 102. 

Mackemie, Rev. Francis, ii. 41. 

McKinley, William : 

His tariff bill, v. 209, 210; on 
the silver question, v. 257; 
elected President, v. 262 , calls 
extra session of Congress, v. 
268 ; his character as leader, 
V. 272, 273; his re-election 
(1900), V. 298 

McKinley bill, the, v. 209, 210, 228. 

Mackintosh, Captain, ii. 185 

McLane, Louis, iv. 51, 52, 53. 

Madison, James ; 

As member of Continental Con- 
gress, iii. 67 ; speech on treaty 
with England, in. 141 , m 
Federalist papers, iii. 156 ; as 
Secretary of State, iii. 176; 
elected President, iii. 199 ; love 
of peace, iii. 204 ; effect of his 
administration, iii. 232, 234; 
drafts Virginia Resolutions, 
iv. 32. 

Madison, Samuel, iij. 9^, no. 

Magellan, Ferdinand, rounds South 
America, 1. 10. 

Maine, labor and vagrancy laws 
in, V. 21. 

Maine, the United States battle- 
ship, V. 270. 

Maine liquor law, iv. 164. 

Manassas, iv. 224, 227. 

Manhattan Island, 1. 74, 96. 

Manila, in Philippines, taken by 
United States, v. 276. 

Manufactures : 

In New England, ii. 51, 107, 
108, no , prohibition of, in the 
colomes, 11. 1^, 102; of flax 
and hemp, 111. 124 , of cotton, 
ill. 173, 240; of wool, flax, 
hemp, and silk, in. 241 ; of 
liquor, glass, and furniture, 
ill. 241 ; of ships, IV. 239 , so- 
ciety for promotion of, iv. 239. 

March, Colonel, 11. 35. 

Marco Polo, his journeys, i. 4, 5. 

Marion, Francis, 11. 320, 325. 

Marlborough, Duke of, ii. 30. 

Marquette, P^re, ii. 6. 

Marshall, John, iii. 146, 163, 166; 
IV. 18, 19. 

Mary, Queen, i. 80. 

Maryland : 

Founded by Lord Baltimore, i. 
128; land grant of, 1. 130 ; 
first settled, 1. 131 ; origin of 
name, i. 133; Act of Tolera- 
tion in, i. 190, 195; Act of 
Toleration repealed, i. 195 ; re- 
bellion in 1676, i. 288 ; laws 
in, i. 289, 290 ; overthrow of 
proprietary government in, 
i* 335 1 made a royal province, 
i. 339 ; Protestant revolution 
in, i. 339 ; accepts of Articles of 
Confederation, iii. 18 ; the con- 
dition^ before accepting, iii. 48. 



Mason, George, hi. 68, 76. 

Mason, James M., commissioner 
from Confederacy to England, 
iv. 217. 

Mason, Jeremiah, iv. 48, 49. 

Mason, John G., iv 172 

Mason and Dixon's line, v, 199. 

Massachusetts : 

First settleis in, i. 69, 89-93, 9 ^ ^ 
charter of, obtained, 1. 104; 
character of settlers in, 1. 
105, 107 , growth and develop- 
ment of, 1. 180; charter of, 
annulled, 1. 284 , under James 

II., 1. 322 , under William III , 
i. 341-343; establishes Land 
Bank, 11. 145 ; establishes 
college, i. 181 ; drops oath of 
allegiance, 1. 195 ; govern- 

ment of, in 1648, 1. 196-198 ; 
attitude towards other colo- 
nies, 1 198, 199; extends ju- 
risdiction, 1. 209; establishes 
mint, 1. 209; Assembly pro- 
tests (1767), ii. 160; resists 
changes in government, ii. 
201, 202; independent con- 
gress of, 11. 204 ; Shays’s re- 
bellion in, ill. 56, 58; ratifies 
Constitution, iii. 78 ; adopts 
Australian ballot method, v. 


Massacre hand-bill, the Boston, 
ii. 162. 

Matamoras, iv. 118, 

Mather, Cotton, iii. 85. 

Mathews, Samuel, i. 212, 213. 

Maverick, Samuel, i. 226. 

Maximilian, Archduke, sent to 
Mexico, V. 39, 40 ; his character 
and death, v. 42. 

Mayflower, i. 86, 92. 

Meade, General George G., iv. 
242, 254. 

Metternich, Prince, hi. 261. 

Mexican purchase, iv. 172. 

Mexican War, iv. 118. 

Mexico i 

Independence of, iv. 105; slav- 
ery in, IV. 105, 123, rule of 
Juarez in, v. 40, threatened 
by England, France, and 
Spam (i86r), v. 40; Maxi- 
milian established m, v. 40, 

Mexico, city of, iv. 120, 122. 

Miles, General Nelson, v. 288. 

Milford, 1. 163 

Mills, Roger Q , v. 192. 

Mills bill, the, v. 192. 

Minorca taken by Spain, iii, 4, 

Minuit, Peter, 1. 97, 168. 

Missionary Ridge, iv. 248. 

Mississippi, 111. 238, made State, 

111. 238 , secedes, iv. 200 ; taxes 
in, after Civil War, v. 47. 

Mississippi River, De Soto at, i. 
15; navigation of, 111. 49. 50, 60. 

Missouii : 

Applies for admittance to Union, 

IV. 248; slavery in, 111. 250, 
the compromise bill, 111. 254, 
255, admitted to Union, 111. 
255 , repeal of compromise bill, 
IV. 165 , demand for universal 
amnesty in, v. 84. 

Missouri compromise bill (1820), 
hi. 254, 255, repeal of, iv. 165 

Mobile Bay, settled by the French, 
ii 59; Spanish garrison in, iii. 
256 ; taken by Farragut, iv. 257. 

Mohawk Indians, i. 315. 

Monckton, Lieut.-Colonel, ii. 87. 

Money, paper, lii. 30. 

Money, the question of, in politics, 

V. 254, 255, 260. 

Monitor, Northern iron-clad ram, 
iv. 239. 

V. — 21 



Monk, George, Duke of Albemarle, 
i. 246. 

Monmouth grant, the, i. 244. 
Monopohes, rise of, v. 124. 

Monroe, Janaes : 

As minister to Pans, 111.146, in 
Louisiana purchase, m. 182; 
elected President, 111 235 , his 
character and policy, 111. 236, 
237, his cabinet, 111. 245, re- 
elected President, lu. 260 , his 
attitude towards European 
powers, ni. 263, 265 , letter to 
General Jackson, iv. 104. 
Monroe doctnne, the, iii. 263, 265 , 
iv. 114; V. 40, 245. 

Montana, v. 210. 

Montcalm, Marquis, ii, 90, 95. 
Montesquieu, M , v. 132, 232. 
Montgomery, Ala., first capital of 
Confederacy, iv. 271. 

Montgomery, Richard, 11 236, 237. 
Montreal, reached by Cartier, 1. 18 , 
French colonies at, i. 19, Eng- 
lish possession of, ii. 96. 

More, Sir Thomas, i. 44. 

Morgan, Daniel, 11. 278, 325. 
Morgan, William, iv. 35. 

Moms, Gouvemeur, 111. 68. 

Morris, Robert, in. 30, 68, 85. 
Morris, Robert Hunter, li. 85. 
Mornson, Mr., of Illinois, v. 190. 
Morton, Ohver Perry, v. 49. 

Moultrie, Colonel William, li. 249. 
Mount Vernon, ii. 76, ; iii. 43. 
Moustier, Count, 111. 79. 

Muce, Marquis de la, 11. 28. 

“ Mugwump ** pohtical party, ori- 
gin of name of, v. 176, creed 
and policy of, v. 177, 

Napoleon Bonaparte : 

His diplomacy with Jefferson, 


iii. 205; his decrees against 
American shipping, ni. 206, 
207, his alliance with Amer- 
ica, 111. 216, 217 , his crushing 
defeats, 111. 220, 221. 

Napoleon III., sends Maximilian 
to Mexico, V. 40. 

Narragansett Bay, 1. 164. 

Narragansett Indians, 1. 153, 154. 

Narvaez, Pdnfilo de, at Apalache 
Bay, i. 13, his march into the 
interior, i. 14. 

Nasmyth, James, invents steam- 
hammer, iv. 74. 

Nassau, n. 290. 

Nat Turner insurrection, the, iv. 

Natchez, French trading-posts at, 
11. 59. 

National Bankrupt Act, the, iv. 
252, 253. 

National Democratic party, the, 
V. 260. 

National Farmer's Alliance, the, 
V. 127. 

National Repubhcans, the, iv. 
I, 64. 

National Silver party, the, v 260. 

Nationality, growth and devel- 
opment of, V, 129, 130. 

Naturalization Act, the, iii. 153, 

Navigation acts, the, ii. 16 ; effect 
of, on tobacco crops, u. 17 , on 
Virgima commerce, ii. 18, on 
manufactures in the colomes, 
ii. loi, 102. 

Navy of the United States, be- 
ginnings of the. 111 221, 222. 

Nebraska, Territory of, iv. 166. 

Negroes : 

Proceedings against, in New 
York, ii. 56, 57; insurgents 
in South Carolina, ii. 58 ; 


Spotswood, a proclamation 
concerning, ii. 44; Lincoln's 
policy concerning, v. 5, gov- 
ernment charge of, after the 
war, V. 17-28 , effect of eman- 
cipation on, V. i8~20 , South- 
ern legislation regarding, v. 
20, 21 , constitutional conven- 
tion of, at New Orleans (1866), 
V. 34, as voters in Southern 
States, V. 44, controlled by 
carpet-baggers, v. 46-47 , their 
dominance in the South, v. 


Nelson, Horatio, 111. 189. 

Netherlands, revolt of the, i. 30. 

Nevis, island of, 11. 21. 

New Amsterdam, i 160, arrival 
of Stuyvesant at, 1, 202, royal 
commiSvSioners to, 1. 227, char- 
acter of settlers in, 1. 231, 232, 
English rule in, 231, 232. 

New Bermuda, 1. 52. 

New England, contrasted with 
Virginia, i, 217, 218; trade in, 
ii. 18 ; Articles of Confederation 
of, 11 33ic 

New English Canaan, Morton's, 
i. 87. 

New Hampshire Patriot, the, iv, 

New Haven : 

Settled under Davenport, i. 162 ; 
joins United Colonies, i. 170; 
seeks redress from Dutch, i. 
198, 200; included in Con- 
necticut charter, i. 233, 234; 
settlers move to New Jersey, 
i. 243; Yale College estab- 
lished in, 11. 28; labor and 
vagrancy laws in, v. 21. 

New Jersey : 

Origin of name, i. 240; land 
grant of, from Duke of York, 

i. 240 ; government of, by 
Carteret, 1. 242; migration 
from Connecticut to, 1. 243, 
first assembly of, 1. 244; the 
"'Concessions'' of, 1. 244; 
proprietary government in, 1, 
294, 300, division into East 
and West, 1. 298, 299, 300; 
made again a crown colony, 

ii. 27, her delegates to con- 
vention (1786), iii. 62-64, 
ratifies the Constitution, in, 


New Madrid, iv. 221. 

New Mexico, ruins of, i. 16. 

New Netherlands * 

Named by the Dutch, i. 73 ; 
extent of, 1. 73, 74, land 
grants to patroons in, i, 
116, 117, 165, 166; trade 

opened to all in, 1. 166 ; New 
Netherland Company, i. 73, 
74; royal commissioners to, 
i. 227, given to the Duke of 
York, i. 229. 

New Orleans : 

French settled in, ii. 59; im^ 
portance of, to Umted States, 
ill. 180, 181 , included in Lou- 
isiana purchase, hi. 182 ; 
battle of, iii. 225; taken by 
Farragut, iv. 224; riot in 
(1866), V. 34; General Butler 
in, V. 47. 

New Providence, buccaneers at, 
11 22; pirates at, ii 44. 

New York, city of : 

Changed from New Nether- 
lands, i 230 ; seized by Leisler, 
i. 329-331 ; threatened by 
Frontenac, ii. 1 1 ; great sick- 
ness in, ii. 34, 35; negro 
plots in, ii. 40, 56; freedom 
of dissenters in, 11. 41 ; free- 


dom of the press in, ii. 56, 
Stamp Act not in, u. 139, 
Congress of 1765 in, n. 140, 
evacuated by the British, 111. 
36; seat of Federal govern- 
ment (1785), in. 128; bread 
riots in, iv. 67 draft riots in, 
(1863), IV. 236 ; centre of 
Fenian society, v. 29. 

New York, State of, ratifies the 
Constitution, 111. 78 , Free Bank- 
ing Act of, iv. 251. 

New world, theones concerning 
the, 1. 7; civilization of the, i. 
8, its extent, i. 11-13. 

Newfoundland, early fisheries of, 
1. 32, colonized by English, i. 

Newport, Captain, i. 42. 

Newport, R. I,, 1. 164 ; v. 160. 

Newspapers : 

New York Herald, iv, 82, New 
York Sun, iv. 82; New York 
Tribune, v. 80, 81; Weekly 
Journal, ii. 78 

Newtown, migration from, i. 144. 

Niagara, French settle at, ii. 59, 
English post at, 11, fii. 

Nicholson, Francis, as deputy m 
New York, i. 329 ; in Niagara, 
i. 348, 349 ; seeks aid from 
England, li. 36-38 ; as gov- 
ernor of South Carolina, ii. 
54 , 55 - 

Nicolls, Richard, i. 226, 230, 231, 
236, 239, 240, 315. 

Nile, French fieet on the, id. 189. 

Non-Intercourse Act, the, id. 199, 

North, Lord, ii. 187, 212, 286; 
iii. 2, 8. 

North Carolina, i. 292; Indian 
wars in, d. 40 ; uprising in 
(1771), ii, 164; rejects Con- 

stitution, di. 82 ; admitted to 
the Umon, 111. 1 12, 1 13 ; secedes, 

IV. 208 ; readmitted to the Union, 

V. 46 

North Dakota, v. 210. 

Northern Pacific Railway, v. 92. 
Northwest Territory, government 
ot the (1787), 111. 301. 

Notice to militia, ii. 224, 

Nova Scotia, 111. 295. 
Nullification, doctrine of^ iv. 24, 

25. 32, 36. 3S. 

Oglethorpe, James, d. 62 ; his 
plans for a new colony, d. 63, 
64, scheme for debtors, ii. 64; 
his colony at Savannah, 11. 
66, his attack on St. Augus- 
tine, d. 70, 71; at St. Simon's 
Island, 11. 71 , Ohio Land Com- 
pany, the, i. 76, 77 ; m. 46, 53, 

Ohio, State of, 111. 238. 
Oklahoma, v. 210, 21 1. 

Old Domimon, 11. 28. 

Ohver, Andrew, 11. 136. 
Opecanchanough, Indian chief, 
1. 64. 

Order of Umted Americans, iv. 

Ordinance of 1787, di. 250; v. 7. 
Oregon, iv. 113, 114, 126. 

Ostend Mamfesto, the, iv. 172, 174. 
Oswego, English settle at, u. 
59 ‘ 

Otis, James, d. 143, 156; id, 89. 

Pacific Ocean, Balboa at, i. 

10 ; northwest passage to, i. 13. 
Packenham, English general, 111. 

Paine, Thomas, d. 258; iii. 91. 



“ Pale Faces/' v. 62. 

Pamhco, 1. 292. 

Panic, of 1837, IV. 66, 67, 71, 72; 
of 1873-4, V. 93 ; of 1884, V. 167; 
of 1893, V. 226. 

Paper blockades, m 6, 189 
Paper money, 111 30, 60 , iv. 58, 
59 , of Southern Confederacy, iv. 
292 ; United States government 
issue of 1862, V. 143 ; States for^ 
bidden issue of, v 143, 144. 
Papers, daily, in 1790, 111. 125 
Pans, treaty of (1782), 111. 16, 

Parke, Colonel, ii. 30. 

Parker, Peter, li. 249. 

Parliament in 1774, 11 21 1 ; Whig 
party in, ii. 212. 

''Parson’s case," li. 146, 148. 
Party leaders, iv. 153, 154; v. 


Pate, a Maryland rebel, i 288 
Patrons of Industry, the, v. 124, 

Patroons in New Netherlands, i. 
I16, II 7 * 

Paulus Hook, ii. 298. 

Peace commissioners, in. 16, 18. 
Peace of Pans (1763), 11. 96; 
(1898), V. 292. 

Pendleton, Edmund, 11. 148, 194. 
Pendleton bill, the, v. 160, 162. 
Penn, Sir William, i. 302, 303. 
Penn, William, i. 302; his plan 
for a colony, 1. 303, 305; the 
growth of his colony, 1. 306, 
307; his return to England, i. 
308, 310; his treaty with the 
Indians, i. 31 1, 312; reforms 
his colony, ii. 26; his plan for 
union of colonies, ii. 32, 340. 
Pennsylvania : 

Origin of name, i. 304; settle- 
ment of, i. 305, 306, 307 , 

VOL. V — 23 

population of, in 1684, i. 308 , 
government of, 1. 304, 305, 
310, ratifies Constitution, 111. 

Pensacola, taken by Spanish, iii. 
4, seized by Andrew Jackson, 
ill. 257, restored to Spain, 111. 

Pepperrell, William, 11. 73. 

Pequots, 1 153, 154. 

" Perquimans " region, 1 247, 249. 

Perry, Oliver Hazard, 111. 223. 

Perryville, iv. 243. 

Pet banks, the, iv. 58, 59. 

Peyton, Yelverton, 11. 71. 

Philadelphia : 

Origin of name, i 308; Stamp 
Act iiots in, 11. 139, Colonial 
Congress at, 11. 172 , Con- 
tinental Congress at, iii. 66, 
69; seat of Federal gov- 
ernment at {1787), iii. 128; 
govci nment removed from, 

iii. 163 ; Anti-Slavery Society 
formed at, iv. 76; centennial 
exhibition at (1876), v. 120, 

Philip, chief of the Wampanoags, 
i. 279, 283 

Philippines, the : 

Manila taken, v 276 ; Aguinaldo 
in, V. 290, independent re- 
public of, V. 297; then resist- 
ance to United States govern- 
ment, V 297. 

Phips, Sir William, i. 343, 344, 
345, 346, ii. II, 12, 13 

Pierce, Franklin : 

Elected president, iv. 157; his 
administration, iv. 165 , opin- 
ion of Kansas-Nebraska Act, 

iv. 167; appointed commis- 
sioner on acquisition of Cuba, 
IV. 72. 


Pilgrims, the : 

Reasons of, for leaving Eng- 
land, 1 74, 76, 78 , m Holland, 
i. 83, 84 , plan of, to emigrate 
to America, 1 84, 86 , landing 
at Plymouth, 1. 89, 91 , dif- 
ficulties of settlers, 1. 94, 95; 
trouble with Dutch colonies, 

i 96, 97- 

Pinckney, Charles C., 111. 146, 

Piracy, of the southern seas, 11 
20 ; on Carolina coast, 11 24 , at 
Cape Fear and New Provi- 
dence, 11. 44. 

Pitt, William, ii 91, 92, 1 1 6, 117, 
I18, 123, 153, 213. 

Pitt, young, ill 8 

Pizarro finds ancient kingdoms 
in South America, 1. 2 

Platt, Thomas C , v. 156 

Platte country, the, iv. 166 

Plymouth, 1. 90, 92, 95, 98, 165, 
234 . 341 - 

Plymouth Company, the, 1. 86, 

88 . 

Pocasset, i. 164. 

Poe, Edgar Allan, iv 80. 

Political contentions, iv. 153, 154. 

Polk, James K. : 

Elected President, iv. 112; re- 
sponsibility for Mexican War, 
iv. 1 17, 1 18; as Speaker of 
the House, iv. 169. 

Ponce de Leon discovers Florida, 
i. 13- 

Pontiac, Indian chief, ii. 128, 129 

‘‘Poor Richard's'" Almanacs, 11. 
114, 117. 

Pope, General John, iv. 220, 221, 

Population : 

In Virginia (1654), i- ^ (1670), 
i. 215; in Carolina (1663), 1. 

247^ of English and French 
in America (1689), 11. 4; of 
the colonies (1714), n. 51 , of 
America (1763), 11 98, 99. 

Population of principal cities 
(1790), 111. 124; of the United 
States (1790), 111. 125, (1800), 
111 172; (1820), 111 246, (1850), 
iv. 13 1 , of the Southern Confed- 
eracy (1863), iv. 249. 

Populists, political party, v. 216, 
260, 267 

Port Royal, S. C., li 35, 36; iv. 

Porter, Peter Duel, 111. 212. 

Porto Bello, 11. 70. 

Porto Rico, v. 276, 289. 

Portuguese, 1 72. 

Potomac Company, the, iii. 6l, 

Potomac River, the, 1 131, 133. 

Powhatan, 1. 64. 

Presbytenan church, first m Bos- 
ton, 11. 52. 

Prescott, W. H., iv. 80 

Presidency, act providing for suc- 
cession in the, V. 181, 182. 

Presidents of the United States : 
Washington, 111. 98, 100; 

Adams, John, lii. 143; Jeffer- 
son, lii. 161, 178, Madison, 
ill 199, 234 ; Monroe, 111. 235, 
260 , Adams, J. Q , 111. 269 ; 
Jackson, hi. 270; iv. 36; 
Van Buren, iv. 62; Harri- 
son, W. H., iv. 86; Tyler, 
IV. 92; Polk, IV. 1 12; Tay- 
lor, IV. 130; Fillmore, iv. 
140 , Pierce, iv 157 , Bu- 
chanan, IV. 174; Lincoln, iv. 
188, 259; Johnson, iv. 262; 
Grant, v. 57, 87; Hayes, v. 
Ill, 112; Garfield, v. 154; 
Arthur, v. 156, Cleveland, v. 


177, 214, Harrison, B, v. 

194 , McKinley, v. 262, 298. 
Presque Isle, 11. 77 
Pni§, vs Pennsylvania, case of, 
IV. 147. 

Prince, Thomas, 111 86 
Princeton, college founded at, 11. 

1 12, battle of, 11. 262. 
Privateers, 11. 288, 289 
Proceedings against negioes in 
New York, 11 56, 57 
Proclamation of emancipation, iv. 
232, 244, 247 , effect of, on North- 
ern people, IV. 233 , effect of, 
on Southern negroes, iv. 250 
Protective tariff, the, 111. 242, on 
metals, wool, and hemp, 111. 

Providence, R. L, i 164. 
Providence Plantations, 111 294. 
Public lands, sale of, iv 60 
Pulaski, Tenn , Ku Klux Klan 
organized at, v. 59, 60 
Puritan Parliament, i. 218 
Puritans, i. 80, 100, in New 
England, i. 104, 108, 140, 178; 
in Maryland ; 1. 190, 218 , m 
Virginia, i. 190, at Elizabeth- 
town , 1. 244. 

Pym, John, i, 174. 


In Carolina, i. 247, 248, 292, 
in New Jersey, 1. 300; in 
Pennsylvania, i. 303, 304, 
310, 312; their opposition to 
war, ii. 221, 285; opposition 
to slavery, iv. 77, 78. 

Quartering Act, the, 11. 145, 154. 

Quebec : 

Fortified by Carteret, i. 19; 
French colonies in, i. 19, 
69 ; settled by Champlain 

(1608), li 6; fortified against 
the English, 11. 38, taken by 
Wolfe, 11. 94-96, extension 
of boundaries of, 11. 209. 
Queen Anne’s War, 11 24, 30, 38. 
Quincy, Josiah, 111. 193, 233. 

Railways : 

In 1830, IV. 72; increase in 1835, 

IV 72 , the Union Pacific, iv. 
214 , V 89 , subsidized in 
the South after Civil War, 

V 49 , Central Pacific, v 89 ; 
increase in 1873, v. 92, 93; 
Northern Pacific, v 92, in- 
creased powers of, v. 124, 126 ; 
strikes on (1877), v. 140, 141 ; 
speculation m stock of, v. 
166 , immense increase of 
(1880), V. 167, 264; Inter- 
state Commerce Act on (1887), 
V. 184, 185. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, his dis- 
coveries and colonies, i. 28, 30, 
Randall, Samuel J., v. 189. 
Randolph, Edmund, 111 68, 76. 
Randolph, Edward, 1 283 ; ii. 23, 


Randolph, John, iii. 274. 
Rappahannock River, i. 215. 
Rathburne, Captain, 11. 290. 
Reagan, Senator John H., v. 184. 
Reapers, invention of, iv. 72, 
Reconstruction Act, v. 35-37 ; 
motives for its adoption, v. 
38 ; its effect, v. 46-52. 
Reconstruction in the South, v. 6. 
Reconstruction of Southern States, 
committee on, v, 23, 24; its 
conflict with the President, v. 

25, 27, 28; its appeal to the 
country, v. 33. 

Reed, Joseph, ii. 235. 



Reformation^ effect of the, in 
Germany, i. 22 ; in England, i. 

23, 7S- 

Reformation, the ship, 1. 188. 

Reformed pemtentiary system, 
the, IV 76. 

Regicides, the, their flight to 
America, i. 225, 226. 

Republican party, the, in. 200- 
202, 245 , IV. 174, 182, 188, 190 , 
V. 97, 100, 169, 198, 204, 217, 
256, 257. 

Republicans, National, 111. 278. 

Restoration, the, 1. 217-220, 

proclaimed in Massachusetts, 1. 
225 ; its effect on settlements in 
America, 1. 225 

Returning Board of Louisiana, 
V. 100, 106 

Revival of learning, effects of, 
on mind of Europe, i. 2. 

Revolution, the, beginnings of, i. 
328; 11. 72, 208, 209, leading 
men of, 111. 22 , literature of, 111. 
87, War of, see War of Inde- 

Revolutionary War, see War of 

Rhett, Colonel, ii. 33, 47, 54. 

Rhode Island, 1. 164; secures 
charter, 1. 172 ; new charter of, 
i. 234; burning of the Gaspee 
in, ii. 164; rejects Constitution, 
lii. 82; enlarged suffrage in, 
iv. 130; labor and vagrancy 
laws in, v. 21. 

Rice*, cultivation of, in the South, 
IV. 290-291. 

Richmond, Duke of, iii. 8. 

Richmond, Va., convention at 
(1775), u. 221 , made capital of 
the Confederacy, iv. 210. 

Rio Grande del Norte, iii. 251 ; iv. 


Roanoke Island colonized by 
Raleigh, 1 30. 

Robertson, James, 111. 49 

Robinson, John, 1. 83, 86. 

Rochambeau, Count de, lands 
French forces at Newport, 11. 
306, with Washington at York- 
town, 11. 329; in Virginia, 111. 

Rockingham, Lord, 11. 140, 152; 
ill. 8, 10. 

Rodney, Sir George, 111. 9. 

Rogers, Robert, 11. 90. 

Rogue^s Harbor, 1. 250. 

Rolfe, John, introduces cultiva- 
tion of tobacco, 1. 62. 

Roman Catholic Church, iv. 88, 
89, 90 

Rosecrans, General William S , 
iv. 243, 248. 

Roses, War of, effect of the, on 
England, i. 2. 

Roxbur3’' settled, 1 108. 

Royal commissioners to Massa- 
chusetts, 1. 224, 225, 234; to 
Connecticut, i. 232-234. 

Rum, manufacture of, 11. 104. 

Rush, Richard, m 263. 

Russia, claims Alaska, iii 265 ; 
land claims of, in America, iv. 
114; sells Alaska to United 
States (1867), V. 42-44. 

Russia or Muscovy Company, i. 

Rutledge, Edward, li 254. 

Rutledge, John, li. 194, 198; 
ill 68. 

Ryswick, treaty of, 11. 20, 32. 

St. Augustine, settled by Span- 
iards, 1. 19, attacked by Ogle- 
thorpe, 11 70, 71. 

St. Clair, General Arthur, ii. 270. 



St. Christopner, island of, ii. 2I 
St. Cioix River, iii 295. 

St. Lawrence River, explored by 
Cartier, 1 18; French colonies 
on, 1 19, 69. 

St. Leger, Colonel Barry, 11. 268, 

St. Marks, 111. 257, 258. 

St Mary's, 1. 134, 136 339. 

St Simon's Island, 11. 71. 

Salaries ot officers ol the crown 
in colonies, 11. 107. 

Salary Grab Act, the, v. 92. 
Salem, witches in, 1. 345, 346. 
Salisbury, Lord, v. 245, 247, 248. 
Sampson, Rear Admiral William 
T., v. 280, 287. 

San Francisco, on Chinese ques- 
tion, v 186 

San Jacinto, battle of, iv. 106, 107. 
San Juan, capture of, v 284 
Sandys, Edwin, 1. 56, 58, 84, 85 
Sandys, Samuel, i 85 
Santa Anna, iv 105, 120 
Santiago de Cuba, v 279 
Santo Domingo, 1 38 ; v. 80 
Saiah Coyistant, the ship, 1. 35, 36. 
Saratoga, 11 270, 280. 

Savannah, settlement of, 11. 64- 
67 ; British troops withdrawn 
from. 111 15 

Say and Sele, Lord, i. 147. 
Saybrook, Conn, foit at, i. 154; 

synod at, 11 40, 41. 

Saylc, William, i. 254. 
Schenectady, massacre at, ii. 13 
Schley, Commodore Winfield S , 
V. 280, 287. 

School-teachers in the South after 
Civil War, v. 63, 64. 

Schurz, Carl, senator from Mis- 
soun, V. 84 ; leader of the Mug- 
wumps, V. 176. 

Scots-Irish in colonies, ii. 51, 60, 75. 

Scott, Winfield, in Mexican War, 

IV. 120; as presidential candi- 
date, IV. 157. 

Screw-propellers, invention of, iv. 


Scrooby, England, Separatists in, 
1. 82. 

Seabury, Samuel, 111. 93. 
Secession of Southern States, iv. 
190 , purpose of, iv. 208 , effect 
of, on North and South, iv. 209 ; 
reasons lor, iv. 271 , War of, see 
War ot Secession. 

Sedgwick, Robert, 1 207. 
Sedition Act, the, lu. 153. 
Seminole Indians, 111. 256 ; iv. 


Senegal, French in, in. 4. 

Sepal atists, the, i. 81, 82, 108. 
Seiapis, her fight with the Bon 
Homme Richard, ii 303. 

Seven Years' War, the, ii. 84. 
Sevier, John, iii. 49 
Seward, William H , as Whig 
senator, iv. 145; opinion of, on 
slavery, iv. 146 , his suggestion 
after secession, iv 209 , his trea- 
ty with Russia for Alaska, v. 42. 
Sewing - machines, invention of, 

iv 133 

Seymour, Horatio, nominated for 
President (1869), v 55-57. 
Shackamaxon, i. 312 
Shafter, General William R., v. 

280, 286, 288. 

Sharpe, Horatio, ii. 85. 

Shays, Daniel, 111. 56, 58 
Shays's rebellion, 111. 56-58. 
Shelburne, Lord, in. ii. 

Shelby, Evan, 11. 300. 
Shenandoah, the Confederate ship, 

V. 70. 

Sheridan, General Philip H., iv. 



Sherman, General Wilham T., at 
Missionary Ridge, iv. 248; in 
command at the West, iv. 253, 
his march through Georgia, iv. 
256, 257. 

Sherman, John, v. 207. 

Sherman, Roger, n. 194; in. 68. 

Sherman Act, the, v. 206, 207, 
222, 225, repeal of, v 226, 227. 

Shiloh, battle of, iv. 222. 

Ship Island, Umted States troops 
at, IV. 224. 

Ship-building, in colomes, 1. 221, 
222; 11. 108, 109, in Umted 
States, m. 217, of iron -clad 
war-vessels, iv. 239 ; in England, 
for Confederate States, v. 67. 

Shirley, William, 11. 85, 87. 

“Shoe-string district,'" the, v. 138, 

139 - 

Siboney, Cuba, Umted States 
troops landed at, v, 282. 

Silver, depreciation of (1876), v. 
144, 145, act for coinage of, v. 
206; free coinage of, v. 216, 
224, 256 ; gold and silver stand- 
ards, V, 254, 255 

Silver dollar, the, v. 146, 147. 

Sioux Indians, v. 102, 

Sitting Bull, Sioux chief, v. 102. 

Slater, Samuel, lii. 173. 

Slavery : 

First in Virginia, i. 62 ; slaves 
taken by British, 111. 140, 
in Missoun, iii 248, 254 ; 
extension of, iii. 251 ; iv. 124 ; 
establishment of, in Southern 
States, ill. 251, 252 ; in Mexico, 
iv. 105, 135 ; Democratic policy 
regarding, iv. 127; Southern 
sentiments regarding, iv. 138 ; 
compromise measures regard- 
ing, iv. 140 , Seward's opinion 
of, iv. 146; Free Soilers' dec- 

laration on, iv. 156, party 
division on, iv. 159 i effect of 
Uncle Tom’s Cabin on, iv. 
160, in Kansas and Ne- 
braska, IV. 169, 170, giowth 
and development of, iv. 192- 
197 , recognized in Confederate 
constitution, iv. 284 , proc- 
lamation of emancipation, iv. 
232, 244-247 , Amendment to 
Constitution regarding, v 7. 

Slidell, John, commissioner from 
Confederacy to France, iv. 217. 

Smith, Captain John, 111. 84. 

Smith, Gould, Martin & Co., 
brokers, v. 65. 

Smith, John, 1. 46-48; his True 
Relation, 1. 67; his Generali 
Histone, 1. 67, his Description 
of New England, i 71. 

Social order of the South, iv. 269, 

Society for supporting the Bill of 
Rights, the, 11 213. 

Sons of Liberty, the, ii. 243. 

Sothel, Seth, 1. 292 

Soto, Hernandez de, at Espiritu 
Santo, 1. 14; reaches the Mis- 
sissippi, i. 15 , his death, 1. 16. 

Sould, Pierre, iv. 172. 

South America, first difference be- 
tween, and North America, i. 
2, 10 ; Spain seeks aid to regain 
colonies in, 111. 261, 262, in- 
dependence of republics of, 111. 
263 , importance of English and 
American trade with, m. 263. 

South American states, relations 
of, to United States, v. 45, 247. 

South Carolina: 

Settlement of, 1. 254; slavery 
introduced in, 1 254; Indian 
wars in, 11. 40; destroys 
piracy in, 11. 47, 48; mixed 


population of, ii. 52; politi- 
cal parties m, li. 54; negro 
outbreaks in, 11. 58; adopts 
Ordinance of Nullification, iv. 
36; secession of, iv. 199, 200; 
readmitted to the Union, v 46 ; 
taxes in^ after the Civil War, 
V. 47; debt of (1868-1872), 
V. 48 ; Republican control in 
(1870-1872), V. 99, 100; riots 
in (1876), V. 109. 

South Carolina Exposition, the, 
ill, 288* 

South Dakota, v. 210. 

Southern States, the, ni. 283-287. 

Spain : 

Political position of, at time of 
English settlements in Amer- 
ica, 1. I, 2; her place in dis- 
coveries, i. 20 ; decline of 
power of, i. 21 ; takes posses- 
sion of Central and South 
America, 11. 20 ; attacks Eng- 
land, iii. 2, 4 ; takes Pen- 
sacola and Minorca, 111. 4; 
her control of Mississippi 
River, 111. 49, 50 , cedes Florida 
to United States, 111. 258 ; 
attacks Mexico, v. 40; her 
rule in Cuba, v. 248-250 ; 
war with United States, v. 
270-292 ; her colonial govern- 
ment, V. 295. 

Spaniards, at Jamestown, i. 37; 
in West Indies, i. 37 ; attack on 
Carolina by the, ii, 33; con- 
federacy of, with Indians, ii. 39, 
40 ; take possession of Minorca 
and Pensacola, lii. 4. 

Specie circular,'' the, iv. 66. 

Spotswood, Alexander, ii. 42 ; ex- 
plores Alleghanies, ii. 43; his 
excellent government, ii. 44 ; 
his views on taxation, ii. 120 ; 

as postmaster general, li, I2I^ 

Stalwarts, political party of, v, 

157, 158. 

Stamp Act, the, u. 132, 135; effect 
of, in Amenca, 11. 134, 135, 137, 
139; repeal of, 11. 140, 142; de- 
fiance of, in Virginia, 11. 148, 
150; effect of, 11. 152. 

Standish, Myles, i. 89, 165, 205. 

Stanton, Edwin M , as Secretary 
of War, V. 53 ; his resignation 
demanded, v. 54; his resigna- 
tion, V. 55. 

Stanwix, Fort, ii. 277. 

State rights, the doctrine of, iv. 

138, 200, 201, 203, 278. 

Steamboats, iv, 72. 

Steel, manufacture of, v. 265. 

Stephens, Alexander H., iv. 200, 

Stephens, Samuel, i, 249, 

Steuben, Baron de, drills Amer- 
ican army, li. 284, 315. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, his plan of re- 
construction, v. 9; adopted by 
Congress, v. 24; his plan of 
‘'Thorough," v. 44; effect of 
his plan in southern States, 
V. 49, 50 ; as leader, v. 131. 

Stewart, John, iii. 345 

"Stonewall" Jackson, see Jack- 
son, General Thomas J. 

Story, Justice Joseph, iv. 80. 

Stowe, Harriet Beecher, iv. 160, 

Strikes, in 1877, v. 140, 141 ; of 
coal -miners (1894), v. 238; of 
Pullman car employees, v. 239, 
240; in all manufacturing cen- 
tres, V. 266. 

Stuyvesant, Peter: 

As governor of the New Nether- 
lands, i. 202 ; puts an end to 
Swedish power, i. 204; sur- 


renders to British commis- 
sioners, i. 229. 

Succession of secretaries, the, iv. I. 

Suffrage, laws regulating (1790), 
111. 120, 121, 271; changes in, 
iv. 4, 5, 6 ; in southern States 
after the Civil War, v. 24, 25, 
74, 82; Reconstruction Act on, 
V. 36. 

Sugar, monopoly of, by English, 
1. 220. 

Sugar Act, the, ii. 207. 

Sullivan, General, 11. 300. 

Sullivan^s Island, ii. 249. 

Sullivan’s laid, 11. 300. 

Sumner, Charles : 

His opposition to slavery, iv. 
167, his speech in advocacy 
of granting the suffrage to 
colored men, v. 25 ; his inter- 
view with Andrew Johnson, 
V, 32 ; his breach with Grant, 
V. 80; his Civil Rights bill, 
V. 97. 98. 

Sun, the New York newspaper, 
iv. 82. 

Supreme Court, the, iii. 106; 
its decision on legal tender, v. 

Susquehanna River, i. 133. 

Susquehannocks, slaughter of, 
1. 269. 

Swedish settlements in Amenca, 
i. 168, 204. 

Swiss in North Carolina, i. 292. 

Talbot, Richard, Duke of Tyr- 
connel, 1. 337. 

Talle37rand, 111. 146, 1 49. 

Tampa, Florida, United States 
troops at, V. 280. 

Taney, Roger B , iv. 54, 176, 178 
Tarleton, Banastre, ii. 217, 319 

Tariff : 

A protective, ii, 281, 282, 283; 
an issue between North and 
South, IV. 23, 34; Whig Act 
on, IV. 97 ; reduction in (1887), 
iv. 176; for Civil War, iv. 
214, in Confederate Constitu- 
tion, IV. 284 ; accumulation of 
duties (1880), V. 163, reduc- 
tion of, V. 164 , effect of, v. 
189; the Cleveland message 
on, V. 191, 192 ; Reform bill of 
(1894), V. 227, 228. 

Tariff of Abominations,'^ the, iii. 

Taunton, i. 165. 

Taxation without representation, 
ii. 150, 151, 152. 

Taxes, on tea, li. 1 61, 162, 167, 
185 ; on distilled spirits, 111. 137 ; 
war, iv. 251 ; in southern States 
after the war, v. 47, 48. 

Taylor, Zachary: 

In Mexican War, iv. 117, I18, 
120 ; elected President, iv. 
129, 130 ; advice to California 
and New Mexico, iv, 136; 
death of, iv. 140. 

Tennessee, admitted to the Union, 
ill. 1 12; secedes, iv. 208; re- 
admitted, V. 28, 29. 

Tenure of Office Act, the, v. 52, 
53, 181 ; repeal of, v. 195. 

Terry, General Alfred, v. 102. 

Texas : 

United States lelinquish rights 
m, m. 258 ; treaty of annexa- 
tion with, IV. 102 ; becomes 
member of Mexican Union, 
iv, 105; independence of, iv. 
105, 106; o\ertures for an- 
nexation to United States, 
iv. io8~iio; admitted to 
Union, iv. 112 ; boundaries of. 



iv. ilj, 122, 123 , secedes, iv. 

Thatch, Edward, the piiate, 11. 47, 


Thirteen original Stales, the, in. 

294, 295 

Thirteenth Amendment to the 
Constitution, 111. 331 ; adopted by 
Congress, v 7 , power of, v. 140. 
Thirty Years^ War, causes of, 1. 

22 , effect of, 1. 100. 

Thomas, General George H., iv. 
220, 248. 

Tliompson, Colonel Benjamin, ii. 

Thomson, Charles, 111. 100. 
Thorough,'' plan of, v. 35, 36, 
44, 56, 77 - 

Ticonderoga, defeat of English at, 
ii. 90; victory of Montcalm at, 
ii. 91, 92 , taken by Ethan Allen, 
ii. 226. 

Tilden, Samuel J., nominated for 
President, v, 104. 

Tippecanoe, iv. 86. 

Tobacco, as curiency, i. 58, 258; 
first cultivation of, i. 62 ; monop- 
oly of, by British, i. 220, 261 ; 
ii. 17; destruction of, in Vir- 
ginia, i. 286 ; value of, for 
southern States, iv. 290, 291. 
Tocqueville, Alexis de, lii. ii4;iv. 


Todkill, Amos, i. 48. 

Tooke, Horne, ii. 213. 

Toitugas, island of, ii. 21. 

Tory refugees from United States 
(1782), iii. 24-28. 

Town meetings, i. 119-121 ; iii. 117. 
Townshend, Charles, ii. 154, 158. 
Trade ; 

English, French, and Dutch fur, 
ii. 10; with French West In- 
dies, ii. 15 ; English monopoly 

of colonial, ii. 16-18 ; with 
Indians, 11. 76 , restrictions in 
colonies of, 11. 102-104, in 
tobacco, 11 109; with Eng- 

land, u. 142 ; effect of wiits of 
assistance on, ii. 143, 144; 
effect of Revolution on, 11. 
143, 144; with West Indies, 
ii. 155, 207; 111 259, 280; ef- 
fect of Embargo Act on, 111. 
194, 196, 198 ; the Russian fur, 
m. 265; in the West, iv. 114. 

Trade and Plantations commis- 
sions, i. 3, 126. 

Trade dollar, the, v. 93, 94. 

Trafalgar, 111. 189. 

Treasury, the Independent, iv. 124. 

Treasury, the United States, iv. 90. 

Treasury Act, the, iv. 70. 

Tieaty of peace at Ghent (1814), 
ill. 225. 

Treaty of peace at Paris (1783), 
111. 16-18, 293. 

Treaty of Westminster, i. 295. 

Trent, English ship, iv. 217. 

Trenton, ii. 263. 

Tribune, New York, v. 80, 8x. 

Tripolitan War, the, iii. 192. 

Trott, Nicholas, li. 54. 

True Sons of Liberty, the, ii. 162. 

Trumbull, John, iii. 93. 

Trusts, the, v. 261. 

Tryon, William, li. 164, 

Tucker, Samuel, ii. 264. 

Tuscarora Indians, their treachery 
in South Carolina, ii. 38 ; driven 
from the State, ii. 39. 

Tyler, John, elected Vice Presi- 
dent, iv. 86 ; becomes President, 
iv. 92 ; his policy, iv. 94-96 , his 
treaty with Texas, iv, 102; 
brings Texas into the Union, iv. 

Tyrconnel, Duke of, see Talbot. 



Uncle Tom’s Cabin, iv i6o. 
Union Pacific Railway, charter 
granted for, iv 214, comple- 
tion of, V. 89, its importance 
to the country, v 90 
United Colonies of New England, 
the, 1. 170, 172. 

United States 

Treaty with France (1763), n. 
286 , boundaries of (1783), 111. 
18 , Articles of Confederation 
of, lii. 20 , powers of first 
Congress of, 111 20, 21, 38; 
state of, after the Revolution, 
111. 24; difficulties in form- 
ing government of, 111 53, 
54 ; hostility between States 
of, iii 60, first census of, 111 
125, attitude towards French 
revolution, 111, 130, first in- 
ternal revenue bill of, 111. 137 , 
first treaty of commerce with 
England, 111 138, 142 , treaty 
with France, 111. 146, 150 , war 
with France, 111 148 , popula- 
tion of (1800), 111. 172, effect 
of embargo bill on, 111. 194, 
war with England (1812), see 
War of 1812 , navy of (1812- 
1814), 111. 222, 223, popula- 
tion of (1820), 111 246, ex- 
ports of (1829), 111. 285, its 
treaty of peace with France, 
ill. 293 , thirteen original 
States of, 111. 294, 295; fish- 
eries of. 111. 296, 297; Con- 
stitution of, iii. 31 1 , executive 
power of, iii. 318, election of 
President of, in 319, 320, 329, 
330 ; judicial power of, 111 
322; mter-State laws of, 111 
323; admission of new States 
to. 111. 323, Amendments to 
Constitution of, 111. 327; re- 

formed penitentiary system 
of, IV. 76, slavery in, iv. 76, 
77, 78 ; boundary dispute 

of, with England, iv. 85; 
its war with Mexico, see War 
with Mexico, boundary-lines 
of, IV. 114, 115, I17, 122, in- 
crease of territory of, on Pa- 
cific slope, IV. 122; Mexican 
purchase of, iv. 122, popula- 
tion of (1850), IV. 131 ; immi- 
gration in, IV. 132 , secession 
of southern States of, iv. 190 ; 
relation of Confederate States 
after the war to, v. 2-26 ; 
changes in frontier of, v. 199- 
203 , war of, with Spain, see 
War with Spam , secures 
Porto Rico, Philippine Isl- 
ands, and Guam, v. 292 , great 
development of power of, v, 

Utrecht, treaty of, ii. 38. 

Valley Forge, li. 282. 

Van Buren, Martin : 

Influence of, on Jackson, iv. 
6, 9 , as Secretary of State, iv. 
10; elected Vice President, iv. 
35; elected President, iv. 62; 
his character and policy, iv. 
63-65, 67, his treasury bill, 
IV 70 , dissatisfaction with his 
administration, iv. 82 - 85 ; 
nominated again for Presi- 
dent, IV. 129. 

Van Dorn, General Earl, iv. 243. 
Van Rensselaer, Kilian, 1. 117 
Van T wilier, Wouter, i. 146, 167. 
Vane, Harry, chosen governor 
of Massachusetts, 1. 159; as 
commissioner of plantations, 1. 
172 , sent to the scaffold, i 226. 


Venezuela, dispute over boundar3"- 
line of, V 245 

Vera Cruz, iv 120. 

Vergennes, Count de, lu 16 

Vermont admitted to the Union, 

111 1 13 

Vernon, Admiral Edward, ii 70, 


Vespucius, Amencus, Ins charts, 
1 7 

Vicksburg, iv. 242. 

Vilas, William F., v. 233. 

Vincennes, 11 296. 

Virginia : 

Origin of name, 1. 38 ; first 
charter of, 1. 56 , first assembly 
of, 1. 58 , increase of colony in 
(1619-1621), i. 60, first slaves 
in, 1 62 , Indian massacres in, 
i. 64, church in, 1 110-112, 
population of (1654), 1 185, 
effect of wars in England on, 
i. 181-187, Church and State 
in, 1 2 1 2-2 1 3 , second charter 
of, 1 185 , House of Burgesses 
in, 1. 213 , government of, 
during the Commonwealth, 1. 
215; population (1670), 1- 

215; grant of, to Arlington 
and Culpeper, i. 262; Indian 
wars in, 1. 264, 266, 267 , 
Bacon^s rebellion in, i. 267, 
changes in government of, 
i. 274-277 ; again a royal 
province, i. 284; tobacco not 
in, 1 286 , cavaliers in, 1. 215- 
217 , after the Restoration, 
i. 218; restrictions on trade 
in, 1. 220, 258, 261, 348; 
William and Mary College 
founded in, i. 349 ; Huguenots 
settle in, ii. 28 , defies Stamp 
Act, ii. 148, 150, declares 
against taxation, ii. 160, 161, 

166 , prepares for war, ii. 219 ; 
second Revolutionary conven- 
tion in, 11. 221 , rising of 
patriots in, 11 224, 226, last 
assembly of Burgesses in, 11. 
229 , extent of land grants of, 
111. 46, 48, ratifies Constitu- 
tion, 111 78 , secedes, iv. 208. 

Virginia, a southern iron-clad 
ship, IV 237, 238 

Virginia Company, the, 1 38, 40, 
42, 56, 64, 66, 86, 1 14, 130. 

Virginia Resolutions, the, 111. 155, 

'' Virginian dynasty,^' the, iv. i. 

Voting, laws of, in the colonies, 111. 
120, rights of citizens regard- 
ing, 111 332 ; methods used pre- 
venting negroes from, v. 136, 


Wade, Benjamin, iv. 167; v. 
II. 49. 

Waldenses in Virginia, li. 28. 

Walker, Hovenden, 11. 37, 

Wall Street, v. 168. 

Walpole, Horace, 11 308. 

Walpole, Robert, 11. 120. 

Wampum, 1. 97. ® 

War of the Austrian Succession, 
the, 11. 73. 

War of the Spanish Succession, 
the, n. 30. 

Wai of Independence : 

Leaders in the revolt, 11. 235; 
fight at Concord, ii. 223; at 
Ticonderoga, 11. 226, at Bun- 
ker Hill, 11 229 ; character of 
colonial army, 11. 242, 243; 
British attack on Charleston, 
11. 249; colonial army evac- 
uates Manhattan Island, ii, 
256 ; demoralized army, ii. 



258, 310; battle of Trenton, 

11. 262 , battle of Princeton, 11. 
262; battle of Saratoga, 11 
280; battle of Biancl^'wine, 11. 
280, 281 , French and Spanish 
aid in, 11. 282 ; treaty of 
alliance with France, 11 286, 
Indian warfare in, 11 292 , 

battle of Wyoming Valley, 11. 
293; battle of Cherry Valley, 

ii. 293 , battle of Savannah, 11. 
298 , battle of Stony Point, 11. 
298, Sullivan’s raid, 11. 300, 
sea - fight of Bon Homme 
Richard and Serapis, 11 303 , 
year of disaster {1780), u. 
308; defeat at Camden, 11. 
308; battle of Cowpens, li 
326; surrender at Yorktown, 

II. 329 , end of war, iii 13-16 ; 
treaty of peace, 111. 18, cost 
of. 111. 32 ; disbanding of 
troops. 111. 36 ; demoralization 
of army of, 111. 34 , debt of, 111. 

War of 1812 : 

Beginnings of, lii. 208-210; 
army of, 111 218, 219 , British 
take Washington, in. 220; 
battle of Lake Erie, 111 223; 
battle of Lake Champlain, 111. 
223, battle of Lundy’s Lane, 

iii. 223 , battle of New Orleans, 

III. 225; treaty of peace at 
Ghent, 111. 225; effect of the 
war, 111. 228, 229. 

War with Mexico: 

Beginnings of the, iv. 1 17, 118; 
battle of Palo Alto, iv. 118; 
battle of Monterey, iv. 118, 
1 19; siege of Vera Cruz, 
Cerro Gordo, and Chapul- 
tepec, iv. 120 ; capture of 
Mexico, iv. 122 ; treaty of 

Guadeloupe Hidalgo, iv. 122; 
effect of the war, iv. 123, 

War of Secession : 

Fort Sumter fired on, iv. 208, 
battle of Bull Run, iv. 2il; 
foreign sympathy with the 
South in the, iv 216 , seizure 
of Mason and Slidell, iv. 217 ; 
battle of Shiloh, iv. 222 , 
siege of Corinth, iv 222 , 
Farragut takes New Orleans, 

IV. 224, battle of Fair Oaks, 
IV. 225 , battle of Cedar Moun« 
tain, IV. 229; battle of An- 
tietam, iv. 229; proclamation 
of emancipation, iv. 232, 244- 
247; fight of Monitor and 
Viigmia, iv. 238, 239, battle 
of Chancellorsville, iv. 240; 
battle of Gettysburg, iv. 242 ; 
siege of Vicksburg, iv. 242, 
battle of Murfreesboro, iv. 
243; battle of Chickamauga, 
IV. 243 ; battle of Lookout 
Mountain, iv. 248, blockade 
of southern ports, iv. 249; 
different conditions in North 
and South, iv. 251; battle of 
the Wilderness, iv. 254 , battle 
of Cold Harbor, iv. 254 , siege 
of Petersburg, iv. 256, Sher- 
man’s march to the sea, iv. 
256, 257, surrender at Ap- 
pomattox, IV. 258 , cost of the 
war. IV. 265, 267; noithern 
and southern armies of the, 
IV. 267, 268, disbanding of 
armies of the, iv. 268, effect 
on wealth and resources of 
the North, iv. 306; death of 
soldiers in northern and 
southern prisons, iv. 307 ; 
end of the, iv. 31 1, 312. 


War with Spain ; 

Causes of, v. 270-274; United 
States army in, v 275 , United 
States navy in, v. 276 ; capt- 
ure of Manila, v. 276; capt- 
uie of San Juan and El 
Caiiey, v. 284 ; battle of 
Santiago, v. 286-288, Porto 
Rico taken, v. 289 , peace 
declaied, v. 290. 

War taxes, iv. 251. 

Warien, Admiral, 11. 73. 
Washington, Augustus, 11. 76, 79 
Washington, George : 

As messenger to the French 
m Ohio, 11. 79-81 ; skirmish 
with the French, 11. 83, 
with Braddock, 11. 88, 89 ; 
his measuics against Eng- 
lish trade, 11. 161, 176, 178, 
194 ; his appearance at the 
Continental CongreswS, 11. 22I, 
227 ; chosen commander-in- 
chief of American forces, 11. 
229, 233, 235, 236; fortifies 
Dorchester, 11 238, 242 ; head- 
quartcis at New Yoik, ii. 
248 , on Brooklyn Heights, n. 
250, 252 ; evacuates New 

York, 11. 256 , his demoralized 
army, in 258, 260, crosvses 
the Delawaie, ii. 260, 261; 
takes Trenton, li. 262, 266; 
and Princeton, li. 262 ; at 
Valley Forge, 11. 282, 283; 
at Monmouth, ii, 288; at 
Yorktown, li. 329; his anx- 
ieties after Yorktown, hi. 
T2, 13 ; his refusal to be king, 
ill. 36; his farewell to the 
army, hi. 42; his plans for 
opening the West, hi, 46; 
his interest in the Potomac 
Company, iii. 61 ; at the Con- 

tinental Congress, iii. 69, 70, 
71 ; elected first President of 
the United States, m 98, roo; 
his second administration, 
ill. 1 1 6, 126, salary as Presi- 
dent, 111. 122, opinion as to 
French Revolution, iii. 130, 
134 ; crushes first rebellion 
(1794), 111 137, farewell ad- 
dress, ill 143 , his death, 111. 


Washington, John, i. 2x6, 

Washington, Henry, i. 216 

Washington, William, 11 315, 317. 

Washington, city of, founded, m. 
164 , taken by the British (1814), 
111. 220. 

Washington, Slate of, v. 210. 

Waterloo, 111 238 

Wayne, Anthony, 11. 298. 

Webster, Daniel, his debate with 
Hayiie, iv. 23-28; nominated 
for Piesident, iv. 62; as Secre- 
tary of State, IV 96; on the 
Constitution, iv. 138 ; his loss of 
influence, iv. 148 ; his death, iv. 


Wellington, Duke of, iii. 238. 

Wentworth, 11. 71. 

Wesley, Charles, ii. 67. 

Wesley, John, ii. 67. 

West, emigration to the, iii. 40, 
41. 51, 53- 

West, Joseph, i. 254. 

West Florida, iii. 255. 

West India Company, i, 72, 73, 
74, 96, 1 1 6. 

West Jersey, i. 299, 300, 303, 340, 
341 ; li. 27. 

West Virginia admitted to the 
Union, iv. 234. 

Westchester Farmer,'' the, iii. 


Western lands, ceded to the gov- 


V — 22 


eminent, in. 48, 49 ; sale of, iv. 

23, 25 

Westmoreland Association, ii 176 

Wethersfield, 1. 147. 

Weyler, Don Valeriano, governor 
of Cuba, V. 250, 261. 

Whale fishing, 11. 49, 108, 109. 

Whalley, Edward, the regicide, 1. 


Wheaton, Henry, iv 80. 

Whig party in Parliament, 11 

Whigs, political party of, in United 
States, IV. 64, 65, 83, 85, 91, 
94. 98, 102, 154, 155, 162. 

Whiskey ring, the (1875), v 95 

White, Hugh L., iv. 62. 

White Brotherhood, the, v 62 

White House, building of the, iii. 

Whitefield, George, li. 67, 68. 

Whitehaven England, ii. 290. 

Whitney, Eli, 111. 173, 252 ; iv 194. 

Wiggles worth, Michael, 111. 85. 

Wilkes, John, ii. 213 

William and Mary College, i. 
349 ; li. 27, 28. 

William III. : 

Called to the throne of England, 
i. 320, proclaimed in Mary- 
land, 1. 339; effect of his 
reign in the colonies, 1. 341 ; 
his war with France, i. 345; 
his colonial policy, li. 2-4; 
his death, 11. 28. 

Williams, Roger : 

His birth and education, i. 149- 
152 ; his friendship with Ind- 
ians, i. 153, 154; his settle- 
ment at Providence, i. 164; 
secures charter for Rhode 

Island, i. 172 ; conference 
with Cromwell, i. 208, 209; 
his mission, 111 85. 
Williamsburg, 1. 350; 11. 28, 226. 
Wilmot, David, iv. 123, 

Wilmot Proviso, the, iv, 124, 
Wilson, Henry, v. 90. 

Wilson, James, 111. 68. 

Winslow, Edward, i. 89. 
Wmthrop, John, 1. 106, 108, 122, 
124, 125, 141, 146, 204; 111. 83. 
Wmthrop, John, the younger, 1. 

147, 233, 234. 

Wisconsin, iv. 13 1. 

Witherspoon, John, 111. 94. 

Wolfe, James, 11. 94, 95, 96. 
Woodbury, Levi, iv. 48, 49 
Wool, manufacture of, iii. 241 
Wright, Silas, iv. 68. 

Writs of assistance, 11. 143, 154. 
Wyoming, v. 102, 210. 

Wythe, George, ii. 148; iii. 68, 

Yale, Elihu, ii, 28. 

Yale College, founded, ii. 28; in 
1786, 111. 7. 

Yamacraw Bluff, ii. 64. 
Yamassee Indians attack South 
Carolina, 11. 58. 

Yancey, William L , iv. 279-282. 
Yates, Robert, 111. 76. 

Yeamans, John, i. 254. 

Yeardley, George, i. 55, 56, 60, 62, 


Yellowstone, the. Sitting Bull at, 
V. 102. 

York River, i. 215. 

Yorktown, British surrender at, 
11. 328, 329 ; taken by McClellan, 
IV. 224. 


350 ^?